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VOL. Ill 














v. 3 






THE two Volumes now published bring to an end 
my ' Introductory History of England/ I ask 
pardon of my readers for having outrun the limits within 
which I at first hoped to compress the work. I also ask 
pardon for another change, not so much of plan as of 
execution ; the book has somewhat unconsciously ' grown 
up/ It began as a book for boys, and has ended as one 
for young men. The fact is that certain persons, for 
whom it was commenced eleven years ago, have set it 
a bad example by growing up themselves. 

I have, as before, to thank numerous friends for assist- 
ance, and especially for careful reading of the proofs. 
Whatever merit may be found in the chapter on India 
is wholly due to the brilliant suggestions of Mr. Rudyard 
Kipling. The Rev. W. H. Hutton, Fellow of St. John's 
College, and Mr. Wakeling, Fellow of Brasenose, have 
also enlightened and guided me on Indian affairs. Mr. 
Pollard, Fellow of All Souls College, who was the in- 
spirer of my last volume, after declaring that he ' knew 
nothing about this period,' contributed some excellent 
criticisms on the first four chapters. Professor Lodge 
of Edinburgh took hold of my original Charles II. and, 
like the gentleman in the old Scottish ballad, 

hacked him into pieces sma', 

until, when he came South again, I hardly knew him 


for the same King. The Professor also carefully revised 
the whole book. 

The Rev. A. H. Johnson, Fellow of All Souls College, 
went through the chapter on ' Men and Machines/ 
Mr. Temperley of Peterhouse, Cambridge — although in- 
clined, on account of my preference for Lord Castlereagh 
as against his hero, Canning, to offer me my choice of 
weapons on Putney Heath — gave me some valuable notes 
on various points of Eighteenth Century History. And 
Mr. Moreton-Macdonald of Largie has exercised, with 
his accustomed kindness, his own special function as 
corrector of my style. 

But my deepest obligation is to my old pupil 
Mr. Christopher Atkinson, Fellow of Exeter College. 
His colossal stores of learning on the History of the 
British Army and the British Navy have been put wholly 
at my disposal, and, if these volumes are not a complete 
failure in their treatment of these matters, it is entirely 
due to him. May I be allowed to remind him that many 
people as well as myself regard the excessive modesty, 
which prevents him from giving to the World the fruits 
of his researches, as a positive crime ? 

Oxford, Easter, 1909. 




Difficulties of Historians — Historical ' Legends ' — Character of 
Charles II. — Charles and his Parliaments — Temper of the Country 
— Material prosperity — Foreign commerce — Balance of trade — 
Freedom of trade — State of London — Literature — Science — 
Law — The Army — Amnesty and exceptions — Restoration of 
Property — The Revenue — The Religious Settlement — Acts against 
Dissenters — Clarendon's Ministry — Plague and Fire — First Dutch 
War — The Navy in 1665 — Peace concluded, 1667 — Fall of 
Clarendon — Origin of National Debt — Secret Treaty with France 
— Second Dutch War — The Test Act, 1673 — Origin of Whig 
Party — Shaftesbury's strength — Danby, Lord Treasurer — Violence 
of Whigs— Attitude of Louis XIV.— The Popish " Plot," 
1678 — Factiousness of Whigs — Skill of Halifax — The Exclusion 
Bill, 1679 — Whigs and Tories — Results of the " Plot " — Danger 
of Civil War — Oxford in 168 1 — The Oxford Parliament — Charles 
saves the Crown — Arrest of Shaftesbury — The Rye House Plot 
— Death of Charles II., 1685 pp. 1-55 



Character of James II. — Lord Sunderland — William of Orange — 
James' Parliament — Monmouth's Rebellion — The Catholic Ques- 
tion — The Ecclesiastical Commission — Magdalen College, Oxford 
— James and the Dissenters — Parliament to be swamped — ' In te 
spes unica ' — The Seven Bishops — Birth of the Prince of Wales, 
1688 — Invitation to William — William's chances — James' chances 
Landing of William, November 5th — Advance of William — 
Helplessness of James — Flight of James . . .pp. 56-76 




The Convention Meets, 1689 — William and Mary, King and 
Queen — The Bill of Rights, 1689 — The Non- Jurors — Character 
of Mary — Character of William — Statesmanship of William — 
Temper of Parliaments — Settlement of the Revenue — The 
Financial System — Economic changes — National Debt — The Bank 
of England — The Standing Army — Factiousness of Parliament 
— Party cries — Dearth of Statesmen — An evil gang — The Grand 
Alliance — Battle of Cape La Hogue, 1692 — Maritime affairs — 
The war in Flanders, 1692 and 1693 — The Peace of Ryswick, 
1697 — The Spanish Succession, 1700 — Infatuation of Parliament 
— Death of James II. — Death of William III., 1702 — The Act of 
Settlement, 1700 pp. 77-109 



Character of Anne — State of society — Amusements — A ' Modern ' 
Age — Literature — Dr. Jonathan Swift — The Duke of Marl- 
borough — Objects of the War, 1702-13 — Marlborough's advan- 
tages — The Allies — The British Army — The Duke in the field — 
Campaigns of 1702-3 and 1704 — Marlborough on the Danube — 
Battle of Blenheim, 1704-yLord Peterborough in Spain — Marl- 
borough's Campaign of 1705 — Ramillies and its results, 1706 — 
Opinion in England, 1707 — Campaign of 1707 — Battle of 
Oudenarde, 1708 — Siege of Lille — Tory reaction — Negotiations with 
France — Battle of Malplaquet, 1709 — Dr. Sacheverell — Marl- 
borough's last campaigns, 1710-11 — A Tory Ministry, 1710 — St. 
John and Harley — ' Peace at any Price' — Peace of Utrecht, 1713 
— The Free Trade Clauses — The English Succession — King James 
or King George ? — Death of Anne, 1714. . . pp. 110-148 



The Eighteenth Century spirit — King George I. — George, Prince of 
Wales — Literature and politics — Whiggery triumphant — Parlia- 
mentary corruption — Limitations to Whiggery — Foreign politics, 
1714-30 — France, Spain and Austria — Electorate of Hanover 
— The London of George I. — Ministerial changes — The South 
Sea Bubble — Sir Robert Walpole — Walpole's foreign policy 
Accession of George II., 1727 — The opposition to Walpole — 
Lord Carteret — Elements of the Opposition — Walpole's finance 


— The Excise Scheme, 1733 — Danger from Spain — War with 
Spain, 1739 — Fall of Walpole, 1742 — The Continental Crisis, 
1740-41 — France and Prussia — Carteret's Ministry, 1742 — The 
Campaign of Dettingen, 1743 — The Battle of Dettingen, 1743 — 
Schemes of Carteret — The Pelham Ministry, 1744 — The war in 
Flanders, 1745-48 — William Pitt — Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, 
1748 — The years of peace, 1748-56 — Death of Henry Pelham, 
1754 pp. 149-186 



The American Colonies — French Canada — Previous wars in America 
— Spanish America — Questions at issue, 1749 — European politics, 
1749-54 — Braddock in Virginia, 1755 — Braddock's defeat — 
New Alliances, 1756 — William Pitt to the front — Fall of Minorca, 
1756 — Pitt's First Ministry, 1756 — Pitt dismissed, April, 1757 — 
Pitt's Second Ministry, June, 1757 — Prussia on the defensive — 
Pitt's first measures — The war in America, 1758 — Canada on the 
defensive — Capture of Louisburg, 1758 — Britain still in danger, 
1758 — Wolfe in Canada, 1759 — Attack on Quebec, 1759 — Wolfe's 
victory and death, 1759 — Capture of Quebec — The war in Canada, 
1 759-6o — Battle of Minden, 1759 — Hawke and Conflans, 1759 
— Ferdinand in Westphalia, 1760 — Winning of Canada, 1760 — 
Fresh victories, 1761 — Shall we fight Spain, 1761 ? — The Spanish 
War, 1762 — Capture of Havana, 1762 — Newcastle and Bute, 
1762 — Peace of Paris, 1763 — Results of the Peace, 1763 — The 
French Navy pp. 187-226 



Temper of Scotland, 1660 — The question of Revenge — The Kirk 
Question — ' Whigs ' and ' Tories ' — The Bishops — Repression 
and Rebellion — Policy of Lauderdale — The Conventicles — The 
Indulgence — The Rising of 1679 — The Duke of York in Scotland, 
1680 — Scottish Exiles in Holland — Accession of James VII. — 
James' Folly — The Revolution of 1689 — The Non-Jurors — Dundee 
in the Highlands, 1690 — The Jacobite Clans — The Massacre of 
Glencoe, 1692 — Settlement of the Kirk — Commercial grievances 
— The Darien Scheme — Failure of the Darien Scheme — Inde- 
pendent spirit of Scotland — Commissioners for Union, 1702 — The 
last Scottish Parliament, 1703 — The Union, 1707 — ' An end 
of an auld sang ' — Results of the Union — The Jacobites' King — 
Chances for James, 171 5 — The Rising of 171 5 — Mistakes of the 
Jacobites — End of the Rising — The Cause alive— Prince 


Charles Edward — Charles Edward in France, 1744 — Charles 
Edward's landing, 1745 — The Rising of 1745 — Advance of Charles 
— Battle of Prestonpans — The Jacobite Army — A perilous Cause 
— Advance into England — At Derby, December 6th — The retreat 
from Derby — The retreat to the Highlands — Battle of Culloden 
— The Prince's escape — The end of the Cause — A changing 
Scotland — The new Scotland ..... pp. 227-281 



Character of George III. — Objects of George III. — Means adopted by 
George III. — The Whig Groups — Main Periods of the Reign — 
John Wilkes — Origin of the Quarrel with America — Real inten- 
tions of the Americans — Disloyalty of the American leaders — 
Effects of the Stamp Act, 1764 — Ministerial changes, 1765-6 — 
Lord Chatham's bombast — Fresh agitation in America, 1768-70 
— Lord North's Ministry, 1770 — Open rebellion in America, 
1774 — War in sight, 1774 — Howe and Washington — Declaration 
of Independence, 1776 — Our chances of success — Treasonable 
attitude of the Whigs — Chances of American success — Will France 
help America ? — Saratoga, 1777 — France will help America, 
1778 — Spain and Holland declare war, 1779-80 — What France 
effected, 1778-81 — Cornwallis and Clinton — Yorktown, 1781 — 
Weakness of North's Government — The Gordon Riots — The 
Naval War, 1778 — Naval Strategy — Dangers of Britain — Eliott's 
defence of Gibraltar, 1778-81 — The West Indian Campaigns — 
Rodney's victory, 1782 — Fall of North, 1782 — Rockingham and 
Shelburne, 1782-3 — The infamous Coalition, 1783 — The Peace of 
Versailles, 1783 pp. 282-322 



The King and the Coalition, 1784 — William Pitt's Ministry — Character 
of Pitt — Pitt's colleagues — Pitt's financial policy — Towards Free 
Trade — Parliamentary Reform — The Electoral System — Rise of 
Radicalism — Pitt's Reform Bill, 1785 — Dangers of Reform — 
The Regency Question, 1788 — The calm before the Storm — 
Foreign policy, 1784-91 pp. 3 2 3~33 8 

INDEX pp. 339-37 2 



the. world Facing p. i 

THE LOW COUNTRIES ....... ,, 1 18 

EUROPE ,, 208 




London; John Murray, .Albemarle St. 

Stanford* GtoaraphicalSstab.j 


1660 — 1792 


Mr. Green has well said that the entry of Charles II. 
into London marks the commencement of the life of 
Modern England, the life which we live and know. The 
Age of Heroics is over, and the Age of Common Sense 
begins. Our habits of thought and speech become 
attuned to this ; we become apt to speak slightingly of 
great things, though we may not always feel indifferent 
to them. The ways of society become modern ; the 
aristocracy is less strenuous, the middle classes less 
educated, the lower classes more unrest ful, the boundaries 
between classes more sharply defined. Internally there 
are fewer great quarrels, many more little squabbles. 
There are no more great Kings ; the nearest approach 
to a great King is a foreigner. In Parliament Party is 
in a fair way to become faction, and, before the Age of 
Common Sense gives way to the (present) Age of Hysterics, 
it has become faction. Kings early become the play- 
VOL. Ill 1 


things of this spirit of faction; soon all other interests 
of the State, great and small, will also become its play- 
things. The result will be that national unity will be. 
split and squandered, and national efficiency arrested. 

As the centuries pass it becomes increasingly difficult 
for a historian to arrive at a critical judgment on 
events. Little as we know of the facts of the Middle 
Ages, the few facts that we know are fairly plain and we 
all draw pretty much the same inferences from them. 
About the Heroic Age, i.e. the Sixteenth and Seventeenth 
Centuries, we know a good deal, and on the whole the 
judgments of reasonable men about them do not differ 
very much. But as for the period before us, which I 
have called the Age of Common Sense, though we know 
or can ascertain all the main facts clearly, our judgments 
are likely to differ very much more ; there are some 
people who would not even admit it to have been an 
Age of Common Sense. The biographer of the late Lord 
Granville says, "The final judgment on the affairs of a 
bygone period has to be founded on something besides 
the critical study of State papers and the accurate 
comparison of the dates of the despatches of ministers, 
which frequently afford but an imperfect and soulless 
record, and are not the true key to the ideas and passions 
from which spring the great events of history." And 
this is admirably true. The true key, however, can only 
be employed by those very few persons who possess the 
faculty of acquiring all the knowledge possible on a 
period, and then bringing everything within it to the 
test of reason and expediency. Now, if I may be allowed 
an Irish bull, it 's impossible for any one man to acquire 
all the knowledge possible on the Eighteenth Century, and 
of course infinitely more impossible in the case of the 


Nineteenth. Moreover, the nearer we get to our own 
time the more we shall inevitably, though unconsciously, 
be under the influence of ' legends ' ; some wonderful 
man, some Clarendon or.Macaulay, endowed with un- 
rivalled gifts of style, has some political cause to serve, 
and he sets to work to write a history of his own time, 
or of a time near to his own, in order to inflame the 
passions of his readers in favour of his own cause. And, 
as Lord Granville's biographer would probably acknow- 
ledge, these will be the histories men will read ; the 
legends indeed are apt to crumble when the scientific 
historian comes along and ' compares the dates of des- 
patches,' etc ; but I am inclined to think that the life of 
a really great historical legend may easily run into a 
couple of centuries. Alas ! I am no scientific historian ; 
but I am also no creator of legends : my only legend is 
that of Diva Britannia ; the other legends which would 
have tempted me are dead beyond recall. Therefore, 
though I think clearly and feel strongly on many 
questions of Eighteenth Century politics, I shall try 
to limit myself to presenting the facts as simply as 
possible, and telling my readers to stand by and to 
suspend their judgment on the legends. 

It seems to me that four things were [ restored ' in 
1660 : and of these the first was Parliamentary Govern- 
ment, the expression of the will of the old Constituencies. 
No solution of the ' Problem of Sovereignty,' so often 
tossed up during the recent strife, was devised ; but it 
was tolerably certain that the Houses would be stronger 
and the Crown weaker than before the strife. Next was 
restored Property and the Rule of the Common Law. 
This had not been very seriously upset, but it had been 
at least endangered, and some wild talk had been flying 


about. Thirdly the Church was restored, and restored 
in a form differing little in externals from Laud's church, 
but entirely without the aggressive sacerdotal spirit of 
that church ; it was to be the church of sober common 
sense in religious matters. Lastly, as the best guarantee 
for all these things, was restored, with all its old external 
splendour, with all the vague and historic magic of its 
name, the Crown. 

Cynical, kindly, immoral, keen-witted and a thorough 
modern ' man of the world,' Charles II. had the slackest 
notions of religion, indeed the slackest notions of every- 
thing. His political creed was almost that of a later 
statesman, ' that there was nothing new, nothing true 
and that nothing very much mattered,' except indeed 
that he did not intend to go on his travels again. An ill- 
educated man who seldom opened a book, he was yet, in 
the best and worst senses of the word, clever ; he delighted 
to pick the brains of others in conversation, and often 
picked them to much purpose. He was far too clever to 
refuse the opportunities which his factious Parliaments 
often gave him of thwarting them ; occasionally they 
beat him badly, as in 1673, but, if he knew when he must 
give way, he also knew when the game was in his hands ; 
he then played it with some gusto, and, in the great crisis 
of 1678-81, with consummate skill and coolness, which 
proves him to have possessed statecraft, if not states- 
manship, of a very high order. But always he played it 
as a game ; he had no sort of belief in his own divine 
right, though it was preached at him with great vigour by 
most of his clergy — who can hardly have believed it 
themselves ; it was to them an excellent political ' cry,' 
and that was all. Yet it would, I think, be a mistake to 
imagine Charles merely as an idle, dissolute fellow, who 


sauntered through life with an epigram on his lips and 
took no interest in the business of governing. 1 He was 
neither a drinker nor a gambler, though he spent much of 
his time at Newmarket watching horse-races and foot- 
races, or hawking and hunting ; he was fond of walking 
from Whitehall to Hampton Court, and he took ver}' 
scrupulous care of his own health. His immorality has, 
I suspect, been very much exaggerated, perhaps because 
it was so openly displayed and set such a bad example 
to his courtiers ; and his activity has been accordingly 
underrated. He took the keenest interest in physical 
science and all experimental philosophy, in all matters 
concerning trade, the Navy and the Colonies, and above 
all in foreign politics. In this last branch of his duties he 
fought his Parliaments, when they disagreed with him, 
more tenaciously and more successfully than he fought 
them on matters of religious toleration. The House of 
Lords, in which he was frequently to be seen warming 
his long legs at the fire, with a knot of Peers listening to 
his stories, was, he declared, ' as diverting as a play.' 
He was an excellent chairman of his Privy Council. But 
he was a lax administrator, and had none of the Tudor 
gift of looking into detail himself ; and, as none of those 
who worked under him were in the least afraid of him, 
he was often badly served. No really great names come 
to the front in politics during the reign ; that of George 
Savile, Marquis of Halifax, is probably the greatest, and 
he is so far typical of the age that he works ostensibly for 
no great cause, and is mainly occupied in trimming be- 

1 " Charles II.," says Defoe, " was perhaps, of all kings that 
ever reigned, the Prince that best understood the country and 
the people that he governed . . . the best acquainted with the 
World of all the Princes of his age." 


tween the extremes of either party : he will serve England 
whether it be under King Charles, King James or King 
William. This is in truth a great Cause, and in 1689 
ultimately triumphs : but to its contemporaries it 
appeared an obscure one ; men require a name to conjure 
with, a fetish to worship, somewhat more visible ; and, 
in the absence of a great cause, men's moral levels 

The Parliaments of Charles II. are mainly excited on 
questions of religion and foreign politics, and in these they 
are a faithful reflection of the intelligence of the country. 
The Great Strife has left behind it as its main legacy an 
entire detestation of Popery ; and a King who has spent 
much of his eleven years of exile in Popish countries 
will soon become to Parliaments an object of suspicion. 
But the Parliaments and the country are torn in half by 
two contrary desires ; that of resisting the spread of 
Popery as represented by Louis XIV. of France, and that 
of crippling our commercial rivals the Dutch. Charles 
was entirely with his people in the latter of these objects ; 
and he also saw, as they did not, that it could not be 
pursued simultaneously with the former, on which he was 
anything but keen. If any religion attracted him it was 
Catholicism, and he probably died a Roman Catholic. 
But he was not likely to run risks for that or any other 
form of faith : his grandfather (Henri IV. of France) 
said, 1 ' Paris is worth a mass ' ; Charles thought that the 
Crown of England was worth abstention from the mass. 
If any country attracted him both on the intellectual, 
and also on the administrative side, it was France. For 
that self-worshipping prig and bore Louis XIV. he is 

1 Or is reputed to have said ; there is as little authority for 
this as for many other famous French bons mots. 


not likely to have felt any personal regard ; but the 
bore's Court was the centre of European civilization and 
urbanity ; and Charles was cynically ready to take large 
bribes from the bore, and then to evade fulfilling the 
considerations for which they had been given. He was 
' paid, not sold ' ; some statesmen have been sold without 
being paid. On the whole Charles did not play the 
hand badly for England. Holland, though not actually 
beaten in the two great wars of the reign, gradually 
ceased after them to be a first-class Power, which comes 
to much the same thing ; soon afterwards she became 
the little boat towed in the wake of the big English ship. 
To suppose that the country at large was much affected 
by the immorality of the Court or by the cynical game of 
party politics would be a very great mistake. Loyalty 
to the Crown was the most conspicuous feeling, and 
' Church and King ' the most cherished toast of the sons 
and grandsons of the very men who had fought against 
Charles I. and Laud. Dread of Popery made it, of course, 
increasingly difficult to drink the toast in the days of 
James II., but loyalty would probably have triumphed 
even then if James had not added to his Popery the 
misfortune of being -an immeasurable ass. Commercial 
and agricultural prosperity were no longer accompanied, 
as in the days before the war, by ' over-government ' ; 
subject to certain protective Acts of Parliament, you 
were allowed to grow rich in your own way, and to 
employ your capital where you pleased. Indeed the 
decay of the Privy Council is one of the most interesting 
results of the Great Rebellion ; all its judicial powers 
were gone, and all its supervision, so admirably exercised 
in Tudor times over corporations and trading companies, 
over Justices of the Peace and local authorities generally. 


The result was that local authorities did much as they 
pleased until the creation of ' Boards ' and ' Departments 
of Government ' in the Nineteenth Century. The Privy 
Council had, it is true, a Committee for ' trade and 
plantations ' (i.e. Colonies), and valuable expert advice 
was often given to it by colonists, merchants and bankers ; 
but Parliament usurped the supremacy over this body, 
as indeed it was usurping control of all the executive 
government. Whether Parliament was a fit assembly 
to discuss questions of the development of material 
progress is open to doubt ; but unquestionably it reflected 
the ideas of the intelligent classes of the day on this 
subject. And unquestionably the reign of Charles II. 
saw a great increase of English commerce and prosperity. 
Statistics are both tiresome and fallacious, but it is 
worth remembering that our exports doubled during this 
reign from two to four million pounds' worth ; they did 
not double again till 1740. And, with a population of 
barely five millions, of which three-fourths were still 
' agricultural persons ' of some sort or other, this figure 
was not bad. At the end of the reign we had actually 
became a corn-exporting country, and a law was passed 
in 1689 giving a ' bounty ' on export (i.e. a lump sum of 
money paid down to the exporter) when the price was 
less than forty-eight shillings per quarter. And this was 
before the introduction of scientific farming on any 
serious scale. High roads were, it is true, beginning to 
be largely improved ; the first Turnpike Act dates from 
1663. Rents don't seem to have increased much, but 
they were always going up a little ; arable might average 
5s. 6d. per acre, good meadow land 8s. 6d. Wages, 
too, were going up steadily, and the Justices no longer 
bothered themselves to regulate them ; agricultural 


wages were, in the best counties, nearly tenpence a day 
before Charles died. Pauperism, on the other hand, was 
increasing very much, and, as each parish had to provide 
for ' its own ' poor, it became the first object of the 
overseer to shift on to another parish any man who was 
likely to become chargeable to the rates. Hence came 
endless quarrels about ' settlement,' and Laws of Settle- 
ment were passed denning how a man could become 
entitled to relief in a particular parish. This curious 
phenomenon of the increase of prosperity side by side 
with the increase of pauperism is one of the most 
disappointing in English history. 

It is to foreign commerce that the riches of the 
period were mainly due. The marriage of King Charles 
with Katharine of Portugal not only introduced us 
to coffee and to tea — a drink ' good for colds and 
defluxions ' as Mrs. Pepys' ' potticary ' told her — and to 
the strong red poison called Oporto wine, but also brought 
us Bombay and Tangier, and, indirectly, a share in the 
gold and silver dug from the mines of Brazil. It was the 
golden age of the East India Company, of the Hudson 
Bay and the Levant Companies. These were the only 
three ' monopolistic [ companies left, and no new ones 
were created, 1 Parliament preferring to foster existing 
trade by an elaborate system of protective duties rather 
than to push it by attempts to create new branches. 
And so ' joint stock [ companies sprang up in London 

1 The African Company, reconstructed in 1672, is more appa- 
rently than really an exception to this rule ; from the first the 
1 Interlopers/ i.e. traders who did not hold shares in it, undersold 
its members on the Guinea coast, and the monopoly which it 
claimed had no parliamentary sanction ; in 1698 Parliament 
definitely declared the trade to be free. 


for the monopoly of all sorts of trades ; but these pos- 
sessed no monopoly of the trade they exercised, and were 
governed by no rules except those of their own making. 
The Dutch and French were our two great rivals, and, 
if we gradually began to push them both out, it was 
mainly because of the freedom from government regula- 
tions which British subjects enjoyed. On the whole the 
principle laid down, to which all laws until the close of the 
Eighteenth Century were intended to conform, was that 
known as the ' Balance of Trade ' ; let this country 
export more goods than it imports, and it will get the 
balance paid to it in gold and silver, which it still foolishly 
thought to be the only real wealth. One or two people 
saw further ; Sir William Petty (' Treatise of Taxes,' 1662) 
said that * labour is the father and land the mother of all 
wealth.' Nicholas Barbon or Barebones, son of our old 
friend Praise-God, was a true free trader ; ' there can be 
no import without an export to pay for it,' said he. Sir 
Dudley North was another forerunner of free trade. 
But the ruling spirits were men like Thomas Mun 1 and 
Sir Josiah Child (founder of a bank which still exists), 
and to them a Balance, owed and paid to this country in 
gold and silver, was the law and the prophets. 

The only really new industry planted in England was 
that of silk weaving, largely recruited from French 
Protestants whom the stupid bigotry of Louis XIV. was 
driving out : these settled principally in the East End of 
London ; they taught us also, to the disgust of English 
weavers who rioted and broke their looms, many new 
tricks in linen weaving, and they introduced ox-tail 

1 Mun died in 1641, but his great work, ' Englands Treasure in 
Foreign Trade,' was only published by his son in 1664, and was 
more read than that of any contemporary economist. 


soup. The only seriously new branch of foreign trade 
was the Slave Trade, which developed, from the ports of 
Bristol, Liverpool and London, to an enormous extent. 
The growth of London at the expense of all the smaller 
ports of the East and South coast is one of the most 
curious features of modern English history ; for, if you 
look at it reflectively, you will see that London faces 
the narrow seas and not the high seas ; its early great- 
ness dates from the days when our main trade was with 
Bruges, Antwerp and North Germany, and you would 
have expected that, when commerce became oceanic, 
some Western port would have taken its place. But 
the exact reverse came about, and London now began 
to replace Amsterdam as \ the Exchange of the World,' 
whatever that high-sounding phrase (repeated in all 
good books) may mean. 

All this extension of commerce was, however, not 
without its drawbacks. The old Privy Council had tried 
to ensure that manufacturers should produce good 
articles, whereas, now that there was no supervision, the 
' age of shoddy ' had begun : France, our special rival 
in the Levant, perhaps taught us this game ; she was 
already stamping her cloth ' Drap de Londres,' in order 
to deceive the confiding Turk at Aleppo. And if the 
regulations of the old Privy Council had tended to cramp 
trade, they had at least tended to force it into channels 
conducive to national power rather than to mere wealth ; 
but from this time onwards there was a dangerous 
temptation to assume that wealth and power are syn- 
onymous, which they are not. Woe to the Nation that 
prefers dividends to power ! and treble woe to the Nation 
that believes dividends and power to be the same thing ! 
Still, as long as the Navigation Acts, carefully re-enacted 


by Charles II., were maintained in full force, the supply of 
sailors and ships for the Navy would never fail ; and as 
long as England fed herself from her own soil, the supply 
of ploughboys to fight in her Armies would not wholly 

To a certain extent the period saw the beginning of 
the supremacy of town over country ; it soon became 
the fashion for the upper classes, even when unconnected 
with the Court, to spend a portion of the year in London, 
usually in a hired house or lodgings : ' flying coaches,' 
performing journeys of fifty miles a day for ten shillings 
per passenger, made travelling a comparatively easy 
matter. But as late as 1715 it was still a twelve days' 
journey from London to Bodmin; Lady Essex Robartes 
undertakes it 'with great fear.' Even London streets 
were not over safe ; they were still very ill paved and 
lighted, and ' gentlemen of the road ' did a roaring 
trade in the suburbs, for police simply did not exist, and 
the watchmen were useless. The Duke of Ormond was 
assaulted in St. James' Street and carried almost to 
Tyburn by a notorious ruffian called Blood, who seems to 
have intended to hang him. The Thames, however, was 
still the great highway of London, whether for business or 
pleasure, and was still silver, though the use of coal in 
place of wood was soon to make the capital smoky ; 
people seldom crossed London Bridge on foot, though it 
was a favourite amusement to watch adventurous fellows 
in skiffs ' shooting the bridge,' i.e. the rapids made in the 
tideway by its numerous arches with their clumsy pedi- 
ments. Few Londoners, I imagine, kept a ' yatch ' of 
their own as Roger North did, but, when Mr. Pepys 
had Navy business at Greenwich or Deptford, he nearly 
always went by water, though he was afraid of shooting 


the bridge. You could walk in safety in ' Foxhall ' 
Gardens and hear the nightingales sing ; you could 
go and gape at Charles feeding his ducks and teaching 
his spaniels to swim in St. James' Park ; your wives 
and daughters could walk in the Ring in Hyde Park 
and see the grand company in their coaches ' doing the 
proper thing ' and looking, one hopes, less bored than 
they do to-day. You could read the London Gazette, the 
oldest still-existing newspaper, which began life as the 
Oxford Gazette in the Plague year. Above all, for 
the price of a cup of coffee in the great coffee house 
in Covent Garden, you could hear the first wits of 
the day conversing. You were more likely to hear 
them quoting Butler's ' Hudibras ' than either of the 
three masterpieces of John Milton. Yet Mr. Dryden, 
whose great poems on the ' Annus Mirabilis ' of 1666 won 
him the Laureateship in 1670, would tell you that the 
blind poet of Bunhill Fields, some of whose works had 
been burnt by the hangman in 1661, had just published 
(1667) a poem called ' Paradise Lost/ ' which cuts us 
all out and the Ancients too.' ' Paradise Regained ' 
and ' Samson Agonist es ' followed in 1671. The 
Theatre, to which the Court is passionately devoted, is 
not to be commended, though Mr. Dryden himself writes 
for it, as well as Etherege, Wycherley, Sedley and others 
whose comedies are not fit for young persons to read ; 
now for the first time female parts on the stage are taken 
by women, and the reputation of actresses is not good. 
Before the end of the reign you may hear at the 
Chapel Royal some of the anthems, and in ' chamber 
concerts ' other pieces of the greatest of English musical 
composers, Henry Purcell. 

But, in spite of Milton and Dryden, the bent of the 


best minds of the age is to mathematics and natural 
science, sometimes, as in the case of the great scholars 
Dr. Wilkins and Dr. Willis, to science flavoured with 
theology ; oftener with antiquarianism. It is pre- 
eminently an age of accurate research and proof, as 
well as of speculation. The Society of which we saw 
the origin at Oxford in our last volume, now becomes 
the ' Royal Society,' which we still know, and member- 
ship of it becomes the highest honour which Science 
has to bestow. Prince Rupert, in the intervals of 
perfecting guns and gunpowder, is studying mezzotint 
engraving and imparting its secrets to John Evelyn, who 
will publish an account of it in his ' Sculptura.' 1 
Wood, Ashmole and Plot are making Oxford famous as 
the home of antiquarian investigations ; Sir William 
Dugdale, the Herald, is editing his vast collections on 
the history of the Monasteries, and incurring suspicion 
of Popery for mentioning such things ; and, though the 
University may burn as seditious the works of Thomas 
Hobbes and George Buchanan, the influence of Hobbes 
has permeated everywhere, and, to him who has read 
Hobbes, Divine Right may remain a pious opinion, but 
Contract seems to be a surer basis for government. Isaac 
Newton was just twenty-four when he sat under an apple 
tree at Woolsthorpe in 1666 and observed an apple fall ; 
he decided that it must have fallen owing to the ' attrac- 
tion of the earth,' and in 1687 published the ' Principia,' 
which revolutionized natural science. He was also soon 
to invent a terrible thing called an ' infinitesimal calculus,' 
for which it is difficult for any non-mathematician to 
pardon him. Among preachers and divines were South, 

1 Rupert is also traditionally credited with the invention of 
some sort of steam engine. 

LAW 15 

Stillingfleet and Barrow, and the saintly Ken, whom 
Charles II. rewarded with a bishopric for rebuking his 
immoral life. Men were reading Baxter's • Saints Rest ' 
and Bunyan's ' Holy War ' and ' Pilgrim's Progress,' 
however sound might be their churchmanship ; above 
all, every one was reading that wonderful anonymous 
book called ' The Whole Duty of Man.' 

I have mentioned these points merely to show that 
the popular conception of the age, as an immoral and 
vulgar one, is very far from the truth. And there is 
another point also to which attention must be called ; 
if it was an age of bad government, it was an age of good 
law and good lawyers. Sir Matthew Hale, successively 
Chief Baron and Chief Justice, did much, by his judg- 
ments as well as his writings, to elucidate the principles 
of the Common Law. Sir Heneage Finch, Lord Chan- 
cellor in 1673, was the first specialist in the rules of 
Equity, and the first to reduce these rules to a system. 
Our Contract Law still rests largely upon the great 
' Statute of Frauds ' ; our system of administering 
estates on the ' Statute of Distributions.' Free bequest 
of all landed property was made possible by the Act 
which abolished the feudal tenures ; the worst page of 
our Statute Book was torn out by the repeal of the Act 
of Mary for burning heretics. The Habeas Corpus Act of 
1679 put upon a sound statutory basis the old Common 
Law right of every accused person to be brought to trial at 
the earliest opportunity. The criminal trials, especially at 
the end of Charles' reign, have a bad reputation from the 
violent language employed by Chief Justices Scroggs and 
Jeffreys ; but, if we examine these trials fairly, we shall 
see that they were in many respects distinctly better 
conducted than such matters were before the Civil War. 


It is true that the law of evidence was in its infancy, and 
that, in a trial for treason, the guilt of the accused was 
always assumed until he could prove his innocence. But 
he was no longer subject to a preliminary and private 
examination ; he could now claim to be confronted with 
witnesses, to cross-examine them and to call witnesses 
on his own behalf. Finally, to this reign belongs the 
great ruling (in Bushell's case, 1670) that a jury is not 
responsible to any man for the verdict it gives. 

But it is time to turn to * Political History.' Much 
of what is technically called the ' Restoration Settlement ' 
was the work of the Convention which Monk had called 
in April, '60, and which continued to sit till the end of the 
year ; but, when this body was dissolved, some of the 
questions were still unsettled and so remained over for 
the first Parliament of King Charles, commonly called ' the 
Long Parliament of the Restoration,' which met in May, 
1661, and sat on until 1679. On the whole I think we 
shall be impressed by the essentially fair character of the 
settlement ; nobody was perfectly satisfied with it, which 
is not a bad criterion of its fairness. Perhaps the first and 
most immediately pressing question was, what was to be 
done with the Army ? ' Oh, get rid of it,' said everybody. 
Among all the things that the Restoration meant, it 
meant most of all the triumph of civilian over soldier, and 
of sober man over fanatic. To throw away an Army of 
65,000 men, the finest fighting machine in the Europe of 
the day, was surely an astonishing waste, yet it was a 
waste imperatively demanded by public opinion. The 
deep hatred of soldiers, which Cromwell's Army had excited, 
remained ingrained in English minds for over a century ; 
to some extent an aftertaste of that hatred remains and 
paralyses England still. The disbandment was a very 


difficult transaction to carry through, for there were 
large arrears of pay to be met, but by the end of 1660 it 
had been all but completed : the revival of trade which 
accompanied the Restoration enabled the men to find 
employment ; Ireland and America were calling for 
sturdy Protestant colonists. A lucky little insurrection 
of Fifth Monarchists, in January 1661, led to the dis« 
bandment being stopped before it was completed, and 
Monk's own regiment, now the ' Coldstream Guards/ 
was saved. To this were added a new regiment of 
Guards, now the Grenadier Guards, largely made up of 
returned Royalist exiles, two more troops of ' Life 
Guards/ and a regiment now known as the ' Blues/ 
These regiments are still on our Army List. We shall 
see that, during Charles' reign, considerable additions 
were made to them in the teeth of public opinion ; e.g., 
the garrison of Dunkirk was, after the sale of that fortress 
in 1662, sent to Tangier, which, as part of the dowry of 
Charles' Queen, we retained till 1684 ; the garrison then 
came home to England. A regiment of Marines was 
also raised for the Dutch War in 1664. At first the Army 
did not amount to above 5,000 men, well paid and, on 
the whole, recruited without difficulty, although the 
moral and social standard of Cromwell's Army was never 
again reached ; but, as there was legally 1 no ' martial 
law ' in time of peace, and no barracks, the Army of 
Charles II. ought to have been a very difficult body to 
keep in discipline. 

The question of amnesty was second in the scale of 
importance, and here we are upon less agreeable ground. 

1 Charles did issue ' Articles of War ' and they seem to have 
been obeyed, but they were quite unconstitutional. On the 
whole, discipline does appear to have been well kept. 

VOL. Ill 2 


Many cross currents of opinion have to be considered, if 
we are to estimate it fairly : the current of vengeance, 
the current of precaution, the current of legality, and, 
strange as it may seem to us, the current of atonement. 
We may dismiss at once the idea that there was any need 
for precaution : nothing, of course, could guarantee the 
King, or any king, against a stray dagger or bullet ; but 
the Monarchy and all that it safeguarded needed at first 
no precautions. Still, ' precaution ' was a useful argu- 
ment to press into the service of vengeance against 
the Regicides. As regards retaliation, it was regicide 
alone that was to be avenged ; that was the ' Sin of the 
Nation,' and the Nation really believed it to be so. Many 
a humble and many a noble family had lives lost on field 
or scaffold to avenge, but all had to forgo all retribution. 
None were to die but those who had actually signed the 
death warrant or assisted at the execution of Charles I. 
The mere Law demanded that all of these should die. The 
Declaration of Breda, however, had thrown the burden 
of responsibility wholly on to the shoulders of the two 
Houses of Parliament ; and it is obvious that the King 
showed great prudence in adhering to that plan. But 
the result was that those who had warm friends in these 
Houses got off with minor penalties, while those who had 
no friends were left to justice. There was a long and 
unseemly wrangle between the Houses, and, in the end, 
thirteen persons suffered death as regicides, namely ten 
of the late King's judges, two Colonels who had kept 
guard at the scaffold, and Hugh Peters who had preached 
at it. Sir Harry Vane's execution in '62 was more 
unjustifiable, except perhaps as a matter of precaution ; 
he was probably the ablest and most dangerous living 
republican. People betted heavily on the results of the 


trials ; John Verney, far away at Aleppo, has been 
laying 30 to 3 on Vane's case. Several regicides were 
imprisoned for life ; many had already escaped abroad 
to Switzerland or to America. The tradition of a regi- 
cide Republic, as a not unworthy ideal of government, 
lingered in obscure places for many years to come, 
stimulated the ' Rye House Plot ' of 1683, and was not 
wholly without influence on the Revolution of 1688 ; 
but when at that date the only surviving regicide exile, 
Ludlow, returned to England, he was at once warned 
to fly again, fled and died in disgust. 

Thirdly we must consider the question of the restora- 
tion of property. An immense amount of sentimental 
nonsense has been talked against the settlement adopted 
on this question, which was indeed eminently fair. 
Those who had lost all for the Royalist cause recovered 
their lands ; those who, by ' compounding ' with the 
usurping Government, had made terms for themselves, at 
whatever expense, recovered nothing. The former class 
consisted practically only of those few who had gone into 
exile, and the purchasers of the land of exiles had little 
ground of complaint when they were now deprived ; 
they had bought the land, so to speak, ' with all faults/ 
including the great probability of a return of the exiles 
to power. More doubtful as a measure of statesmanship 
was the restoration of the remnant of the old Crown 
lands : the rents from a large estate are a very mediaeval 
and uneconomic means of feeding a Government ; under 
the old Common Law it was impossible to prevent the 
Crown from giving its lands away, and the next three Kings 
proceeded to impoverish themselves freely by so doing : 
while, until such lands were taken over by the ' Woods 
and Forests Office, ' they were always badly managed. 


Fourthly, before we come to the most serious question, 
that of religion, we may lump under one head the question 
of the retention of the reforms of the Long Parliament ; 
and, from looking at this, we shall see what a long road 
had been travelled since 1640. Neither Star Chamber 
nor High Commission was to come back ; the feudal 
tenures were not to come back. Though the Triennial 
Act was repealed in 1664, it was repealed only in order 
to prevent the necessity of a new Parliament being 
called every three years ; it was never for a moment 
supposed that the- King would be able to do without a 
Parliament. 1 On the other hand, a Statute expressly 
declared that the command of all armed forces was for 
ever vested in the Crown : another Statute ' of Tumul- 
tuous Petitions ' laid down that not more than twelve 
persons were to present any petition to King or Parlia- 
ment ; this was a distinct blow at the Radical methods, 
of bringing external pressure to bear on Parliament, 
which Pym had favoured in 1641-2. Of similar nature 
was the Licensing Act restricting the number of printers ; 
this was periodically renewed with one interval till 1695, 
since when authors and printers have been restrained 
from publishing their thoughts only by the Law of 
Libel, and by certain Acts against blasphemy and 
indecency. Finally Parliament provided for the Crown 
in a manner by no means liberal. Customs and Excise 
(a tax copied from the Dutch in 1643) were granted 
for the King's life. A hearth tax, two shillings on 
every chimney of every one who was rated to the poor, 
was added, and was exceedingly unpopular ; it was 

1 " The sitting and holding of Parliament shall not be inter- 
mitted or discontinued above three years at the most " : 16 Car. 
II. c. 1. 


supposed to bring in £200,000 a year, and never brought 
in nearly that sum ; so much was it hated that people 
bricked up their chimneys and shivered rather than 
pay it. The repeal of it was almost the only thing 
that the middle classes demanded of William III. on 
his march to London. With these grants plus the 
revenue from Crown lands and Post Office, the King's 
income was supposed to be £1,200,000 a year ; but, in 
spite of the great increase in the Customs and Excise, 
it never seems to have reached that figure except on 
paper ; and it certainly never came to enough to cover 
the increasing cost of living like a King, of governing 
and defending the Nation. No loophole, however, was 
given to the Crown for unparliamentary taxation, nor 
did Charles ever attempt anything of the kind. Thus 
far, on the whole, the settlement was essentially a 
parliamentary one. 

When we come to the religious settlement, we shall see 
that here too the will of Parliament prevailed. The Con- 
vention, largely Presbyterian in its membership, treated 
this topic wholly from the point of view of property. 
An advowson or a benefice is a freehold ; no man can 
be deprived of his freehold except by a judgment at law 
(see Magna Carta) ; so, if the vicar of Tubney has been 
turned out of his parsonage by the usurping Government, 
and one of Cromwell's chaplains put in his place, the vicar, 
if alive, must be restored, whatever his religious opinions 
or those of the intruded chaplain be. If, however, the 
vicar is dead, and the chaplain has been presented by 
the proper patron of the living, the chaplain is left there. 
And this was as far as the Convention went. But this 
did not protect a non-Episcopalian minister against any 
future Acts an Episcopalian Parliament might pass. 


Now it seems as if there were two courses open to the 
Government : (i) so to modify the Prayer Book and the 
Episcopal constitution of the Church as to ' comprehend ' 
the more moderate opponents of that Church ; (ii) to 
make no alteration in either, but to grant a large measure 
of toleration to those who objected to either. The King 
would perhaps have preferred the former plan, and his 
leading Minister, Edward Hyde, now Chancellor and Earl 
of Clarendon, thought at first it might be politic to do 
something of the kind. A conference was called at the 
Savoy whereat the leading Presbyterians met the leading 
Anglicans, as a result of which some slight alterations 
of the Prayer Book were made, including the introduction 
of the ' General Thanksgiving.' The vacant sees were, 
however, speedily filled up, and, though one Presbyterian, 
Reynolds, accepted a bishopric, the other Bishops were 
mostly Laudians ; Juxon went to Canterbury and Cosin 
to Durham, Sheldon to London, Morley to Winchester. 
And, to the surprise of both King and Chancellor, the 
Parliament of 1661 appeared more Episcopal than the 
Bishops, who once more took their seats in the House 
of Lords. 1 The Lower House, in fact, consisted largely 
of those interests which had been most outraged during 
the rebellion ; and of these the Anglican Church was 
the first. The cry was consequently one for rigid re- 
pression of all Dissent from that Church. Not only 
should there be no comprehension, but no toleration 
of Dissenters. We may rejoice that there was no com- 
prehension ; any serious revision of the Prayer Book 
would have destroyed it, and would ultimately have 

1 In the second Session of this Parliament. The Restoration 
of the lands belonging to the Church as a Corporation was a 
natural, but perhaps an unfortunate corollary. 


satisfied few. But it was a terrible mistake to refuse 
toleration ; Dissent was far too strong to be killed by 
any measure of repression ; and yet it would probably 
have died out under a regime of perfect toleration. 
Dissent continued to be a religious, but became also 
largely a political, and even a social force, a force at the 
command of any one who objected to government by 
the landed classes ; and now, when that government 
has gone, Dissent exists mainly as a protest against an 
Established Church. If the Church were disestablished 
to-morrow, the Dissenting congregations would rapidly 
dwindle, for they would have nothing to dissent from, and 
religion would probably perish in five-sixths of the country 
districts. Toleration, granted in 1660, would have pre- 
vented one of the most pernicious cleavages in modern 
English society. 

This High Anglican Parliament must bear the responsi- 
bility, nor can it plead wholly religious motives for its 
mistake. Its first Act, the Corporation Act of 1661, 
imposed a political, as well as a religious test upon all 
persons holding municipal office. To be an alderman or 
a town councillor you had to take the Sacrament accord- 
ing to the Prayer Book rite (what a blasphemous use of 
the holiest act of worship !), and also to swear that it was 
unlawful to resist the King upon any pretext whatever. 
Now the Act was passed because aldermen and town 
councillors practically elected the borough members of 
Parliament. The Act of Uniformity followed in the same 
Session ; every beneficed clergyman must declare his 
unfeigned consent to everything in the Prayer Book, 
must be reordained if he have not already received 
episcopal orders, or must vacate his benefice before 
August, 1662. Two thousand ministers ' came out ' 


rather than accept the tests. Even Clarendon, High 
Anglican as he was, and several of the Bishops tried to 
modify this Act in the Lords. The King was very angry 
at these two laws, which certainly made him eat his 
promises of toleration for ' tender consciences,' and at 
the end of the year he tried to get Parliament to recog- 
nize his ' Dispensing ' power with a view to granting 
' Indulgence ' to Dissenters. This at once raised a great 
constitutional question, which will be with us more or 
less till we have got rid of the Stuarts altogether : — Can 
a King, by virtue of his prerogative, ' dispense with ' 
a particular law in a particular case ? Well, it seems 
that he can ; e.g. he can certainly pardon a man for 
disobedience to a law ; and there are plenty of precedents 
for his doing more than that. In the hands of an un- 
scrupulous King this comes to mean that he can set aside 
all laws that he doesn't like and yet dare not openly veto. 
For the moment Charles would not risk his great popu- 
larity, and, when Parliament protested, he dropped the 
attempt for the time. In '64 the Houses went on to 
pass a ' Conventicle Act,' i.e. a prohibition of all public 
meetings for religious worship, except according to the 
Prayer Book rite, and, in the next year, a ' Five Mile 
Act,' prohibiting the deprived ministers from coming 
near the towns in which they had formerly ministered, 
unless they would take a strong ' non-resistance ' oath 
and another oath that they would never seek to alter 
the government in Church and State. These Acts, 
taken altogether, have got the name of the ' Clarendon 
Code.' As a matter of fact Clarendon was directly 
responsible for little of them ; he accepted them, perhaps 
too willingly, when they had been passed ; and he 
objected, on legal grounds, to the Declaration of In- 


dulgence ; but he was certainly no persecutor, any 
more than his master was, and these were persecuting 

In an England which was losing its high ideals they 
probably led to a good deal of sporadic perjury. 
Oaths imposed for such evidently political purposes lost 
their sanctity ; many Dissenters took the Sacrament, 
so to speak, ' officially. ' When the Devon Justices 
actually went so far as to refuse to license alehouses 
except to such publicans as could produce a certificate 
that they had received the Sacrament twice during the 
past year, they were reducing Tests and Sacraments 
alike to an absurdity. The Conventicle Act was not 
very vigorously enforced ; the famous twelve-year-long 
imprisonment of the tinker, John Bunyan, began before 
the Acts were passed, and the best opinion now is that he 
did not write the ' Pilgrim's Progress ' (first published in 
1678) in prison. Not only the bulk of the apprentices, 
but many of the rich merchants of London remained 
Presbyterian for more than a generation, and do not 
seem to have suffered any persecution. Even in the 
King's Privy Council, side by side with old Anglicans like 
Ormond, Southampton and Clarendon, were Presbyterians 
such as Manchester, Robartes, Northumberland and 
Monk, now Duke of Albemarle. Such men were not 
necessarily turncoats ; they were merely men who waived 
their ideals for the sake of peace and order. 

7 he real Executive Government, however, lay in the 
inner ring of the Privy Council, the ' Committee for 
Foreign Affairs/ sometimes called the ' Juncto,' the 
' Cabal,' the ' Cabinet,' consisting of some half-dozen 
persons. It met where the King pleased — often in the 
drawing-room of the reigning mistress ; when Clarendon 


had the gout, as he often had, it met in his bedroom. 
Anything like a ' Prime Minister ' was a very unpopular 
idea ; Clarendon expressly disclaimed the title, but there 
was generally one man to whom Charles confided most of 
his designs, and Clarendon, though never a favourite, was 
virtually Premier for seven years. During his Ministry 
the most important events were the marriage of the 
King with the good, if stupid, Portuguese Princess 
Katharine in '62, the sale of Dunkirk to the French in the 
same year, the last serious visitation of the Plague in '65, 
the Great Fire of London, and the First Dutch War. 

For and against the retention of Dunkirk much might 
be said ; and for it especially that, although a bad 
harbour, too shallow for large ships, in hostile hands it 
would be certain to become a nest of privateers ; in many 
subsequent Treaties with France the dismantling of its 
fortifications was an English demand. But, on the other 
hand, the expense of its maintenance was very serious, 
and the price of its sale (£200,000) a considerable item 
to an Exchequer already impoverished. The Portuguese 
marriage was sensible ; it meant the maintenance of the 
Cromwellian foreign policy, and a French alliance ; 
Katharine brought as her dowry Tangier and Bombay, 
both of which acquisitions increased the growing hostility 
of the Dutch. The Plague of 1665 was probably the 
most serious visitation of the kind since 1348, and the 
reason seems to be that there had been hardly a 
drop of rain for four months ; the city was therefore 
particularly foul. It began in the Western suburbs 
North of the Strand and worked its way Eastwards, and 
it swept away perhaps a fifth of the half-million persons 
inhabiting London and its suburbs. By June all the 
carriers to the country had stopped plying ; the dearth 



of food and of fuel was severely felt. The Court and 
the Parliament fled to Oxford. By September the deaths 
were one thousand a day. There was a Lord Mayor's 
Fund, as there would be . to-day, for the relief of the 
sufferers. The Eastern counties also suffered severely ; 
and the infection lingered about for sixteen months. 

On September 1st, 1666, the Great Fire began ' in 
Pudding Lane at a baker's shop where a Dutch Rogue 
lay ' ; at first we were sure it was the Dutch who had 
done it, but soon we changed our minds and said it was 
the Papists. The service of pumpers was totally inade- 
quate, though we are not told that, as at a subsequent fire 
in the Temple, men tried to extinguish the flames with 
beer in default of water. Carts to remove goods were 
not to be had for love or money. The Lord Mayor lost 
his head and ' ran about with a handkercher round his 
neck, crying out, " Lord ! what can I do ? " ' The 
King and courtiers, who had turned tail to the plague, 
came to the rescue now, and superintended the blowing 
up of houses with gunpowder, and by the 6th the fire 
was stayed. Two-thirds of London were in ashes, in- 
cluding St. Paul's Cathedral and fifty other churches. 
This visitation had, at least, cleaned out many an un- 
savoury den and prevented future plagues. If Sir 
Christopher Wren's plans for the rebuilding of the city 
had been accepted, twenty-four great streets would have 
radiated from his new St. Paul's, and London would 
have become the most beautiful, instead of the ugliest 
capital in Europe ; but the London merchants were in 
too great a hurry to get back to their warehouses, and 
the city grew up again anyhow. 1 

The First Dutch War remains, perhaps, the most im- 
1 Vide infra, vol. iv. p. 183. 


port ant event of these seven years. Causes of quarrel were 
never wanting between the two great commercial nations, 
who competed with each other on the African and 
American coasts as well as in the Far East. Holland 
had, moreover, recently refused our mediation in her 
war with Portugal. Both Clarendon and to some extent 
the King l were at first averse to fighting, but the traders 
of London carried the Government off its legs. Five 
millions were voted for it by Parliament, and an Act was 
passed specially guarding against the application of this 
money to other purposes ; not an unnecessary precaution, 
for when, in '68, a parliamentary audit of the accounts 
was made, it was found that over one-third of this sum 
had found its way to objects other than the Navy. The 
war was popular at first, and hostilities on the West 
African and American coasts preceded its declaration. 
We captured, among other things, the city of New 
Amsterdam on the Hudson River, and renamed it ' New 
York.' This was in compliment to Prince James, Duke 
of York, already, by his marriage with Clarendon's 
daughter Anne, father of two coming Queens — Mary and 
Anne — and Lord High Admiral of England. He, being 
already in opposition to his father-in-law, was in favour 
of war. 

The Navy was by no means in a bad condition ; to 
the period of this war belong the steady substitution of 
' first rates ' for smaller ships, the growth of a class of 
professional sailors as opposed to ' Generals at Sea,' 
of which growth we have already seen the germ during 
the Interregnum, and the tactical order of fighting in 

1 Charles, however, was deeply interested in numerous branches 
of our commerce which were feeling Dutch competition very 

THE NAVY IN 1665 29 

* line ahead/ close-hauled to the wind, with a definite 
interval between each ship. James was a really good 
administrator at the Admiralty. He introduced during 
his tenure of office a regular half-pay system for officers 
not in immediate employment ; he also created the 
■ Victualling Yard/ He was well served by Samuel 
Pepys, ' Clerk of the Acts of the Navy/ and author 
of the famous Diary, and by other members of the 
Board of Admiralty — such as Narborough, Deane and 
Pett. But from the very first, the administration 
had to fight against debt (ij- millions inherited from 
the Protectorate) and impecuniosity. The contractors 
were fraudulent, the food of the sailors was always 
running short, and their wages often in arrear. Never- 
theless, when, in March, 1665, war was declared, over 
one hundred ships were ready for sea, and the best 
Dutch Admiral, de Ruyter, was far away in America. 
It was ' foggy Opdam ' whom James blockaded at Texel 
in May, and whom he and Rupert met in the fierce 
battle of Solebay, off Southwold, in June. Our victory 
was complete, and James displayed conspicuous valour ; 
the Dutch loss was twenty-four to one in ships, and five 
to one in men. But, after the victory, the Duke went 
to bed, and the remnants of the Dutch Fleet were allowed 
to escape ; Hawke or Nelson would not have gone to bed. 
The Plague prevented further activity that year, and, 
by the opening of '66, France, which was carefully 
nursing the nucleus of a Fleet at Toulon, had allied herself 
with the Dutch. Monk and Rupert put to sea at the 
end of May with eighty sail, but Rupert was foolishly 
detached to intercept the French Fleet ; and so Monk 
was left, in far inferior force, to meet de Ruyter half- 
way over from the North Foreland. He fought a most 


desperate fight for four days, on the last of which 1 
Rupert, who had got as far as the Isle of Wight and 
found no Frenchmen, joined him again. We lost ten 
and they five ships ; in the next battle, on August 4th, 
our victory was complete, and the sorely crippled Dutch 
fled behind their sandbanks. Negotiations for peace 
began in October, but civilian advice had prevailed over 
expert advice, and, after the last battle, the King had 
laid up his big ships in harbour without even taking the 
precaution of fortifying the mouth of the River. And, 
as the negotiations were unduly spun out, the Dutch 
in the following June made a spring at Sheerness, seized 
it, sailed up the Medway, and burnt sixteen of our ships 
at the gates of Chatham Dockyard : the roar of their 
guns could be heard and the flare of the burning vessels 
seen from Whitehall ; for a month more they block- 
aded the mouth of the River. Charles hastened to 
conclude peace on any terms, and was lucky to be able 
to retain New York and New Jersey (July, '67). 

A month later Clarendon fell, a scapegoat for the 
misfortunes which closed the war. Charles, with the 
most heartless indifference, tossed him to his enemies 
to worry, advised him cynically to fly the country, and, 
when he had fled, supported his enemies in an Act for 
his banishment, by which his return was to be made 
high treason. To the King Clarendon had become a 
bore ; he was always telling him home-truths — e.g. that 
he was letting the House of Commons get too much 
power, that he neglected the Queen for Lady Castle- 
maine, etc. He was no great statesman ; of foreign 
policy he had no grasp at all, in domestic policy he had 

1 Rupert joined Monk in the late evening of the third day, but 
was not engaged till the fourth. 


drifted back towards the ideas of Strafford, whom he 
had helped to the scaffold ; but he was a man of stainless 
honour, and upheld the traditions of a more strenuous 
and honourable age. The charges brought against him 
are ridiculous, and perhaps illustrate the deterioration 
of the standard of the House of Commons ; yet they are 
not more ridiculous than those which Eliot brought 
against Buckingham in 1626. Clarendon had no popu- 
larity to fall back upon ; the ' man in the street ' believed 
that he had made private profit from the sale of Dunkirk. 
In his second exile in France the old Minister brought 
to a close and revised his majestic ' History of the Great 
Rebellion,' which he had begun in 1646 at Scilly and 
Jersey. He died at Rouen in 1674. 

The first period of Charles' reign was now at an end, 
and in the next, that is, until 1674, it can be said that 
he had no leading Minister at all. The intervening 
period is usually described as that of the ' Cabal ' Ministry ; 
but, in fact, this Cabal or Cabinet consisted of a shifting 
body of men. Henry Bennet, Earl of Arlington, was 
Secretary of State, Sir Anthony Ashley Cooper, now 
Lord Ashley, was Chancellor of the Exchequer, Sir 
Thomas Clifford First Treasury-Commissioner ; Lauder- 
dale was the oracle on Scottish affairs, and the versatile 
and immoral Duke of Buckingham (son of our old friend 
of 1628), though holding no executive office, was perhaps 
as much consulted as any one. The Great Seal was given 
to Sir Orlando Bridgman, until Ashley became Earl of 
Shaftesbury and Chancellor for one year, 1672-3. Monk, 
till his death in '70, and Monk's cousin Morice as Secretary 
of State, Archbishop Sheldon and Brother James were all 
from time to time members of the inner Cabinet. In 
finance at least these gentlemen were singularly unsuc- 


cessful ; from the fall of Clarendon onwards the King 
fell deeper and deeper into debt. For twenty-one months 
of this period — April, 1671, to February, 1673 — Parlia- 
ment was prorogued ; when it sat its Sessions were always 
short and stormy, and the two Houses, by quarrelling 
with each other, generally gave the King good excuse 
for proroguing them. Charles lived mainly upon subsidies 
from his good brother of France, to whom he made all 
sorts of fine promises which he did not intend to fulfil ; also 
he helped himself by a partial bankruptcy, in the shape 
of a suspension, and then a reduction of the interest on a 
sum of over a million borrowed from the London gold- 
smiths. These tradesmen acted as bankers and money- 
lenders — i.e. they received the deposits of private persons 
and allowed them 5 per cent, interest ; then they lent 
money to the Government, charging, in Clarendon's more 
stable Ministry, 8 per cent., and after that 12 per cent. 
In January, '72, Charles, by the advice of Clifford, 
suspended the payment of this interest, and soon after- 
wards said he would pay half of it only ; great outcry ; 
the goldsmiths suspended payment of interest to their 
clients also, and many people were very hard hit. 
Partial repayments of interest were made in 1677 and 
again in 1701, but the capital was never repaid, and 
became the foundation of the ' National Debt.' 

A transient ■ Triple Alliance ' was negotiated in 1668 
with Holland and Sweden, which soon became a cloak 
for a more serious secret Treaty with France, concluded 
at Dover, after much haggling, in May, '70. By this 
astonishing document, which was only gradually revealed 
to, or guessed at by a few of the leading Ministers 
(Shaftesbury never knew of it for certain), Charles 
promised to declare himself a Catholic ' at a convenient 


opportunity.' If England rebelled at this, Louis was 
to lend him troops ; England and France were to join 
in robbing the Dutch Republic at once, and the 
Spanish Monarchy on the death of the reigning Carlos II. 
England's share of the latter was unspecified, but 
Minorca and South America were indicated as desirable ; 
of the former she was to have the islands and ports 
at Scheldt-mouth, Walcheren, Cadzant and Sluys. 
Above all, Louis was to pay, pay, pay, and Charles 
was to keep Parliament in the dark. How far Charles 
was sincere in the direction of Popery, it is very 
difficult to say ; the Catholics seem to have put 
some confidence in him up till 1674. To me it seems 
as if he merely intended to blind Louis until Holland 
should be humbled. Busy Ministers came and went, 
bogus Treaties were shown to Buckingham and Shaftes- 
bury. Arlington and Clifford, recent converts to Popery, 
were in the secret. James was also known to be 
a recent convert, although he did not as yet * openly 
declare himself to be one ; he had lost his wife a year 
before, and he was soon to marry the good and beautiful 
Mary Beatrice of Modena. War was declared on Holland 
in March, '72 ; ' Delenda est Carthago ' said Shaftesbury 
— a phrase which he was not allowed to forget. Ten 
thousand troops were raised and encamped at Yarmouth 
under a French Commander, Schomberg, 2 ready to be 
transported to the Scheldt if the Fleet should be victorious. 
The French and English Fleets joined in the Channel, 
some ninety sail, under James and the Earl of Sandwich. 

1 Not till 1676. 

2 Schomberg was of German and English extraction, but he 
was in the French service at this time. He became a Marshal 
of France in 1675. 

VOL. Ill 3 


They met the Dutch off Southwold on June ist, and 
a fierce drawn battle was the result, the French ships 
giving little assistance. It was the same story next 
year, when Rupert and the Frenchman d'Estrees again 
met de Ruyter off the Dutch coast ; the French Fleet, 
for reasons of its own, hung back and all the brunt fell on 
Rupert ; no losses of ships were sustained by either side, 
but the English Fleet was the more damaged, and de 
Ruyter's object, to avert an invasion, was attained. 
Louis' Army had meanwhile overrun the Southern territory 
of the Republic, and the Republic had had to save itself 
by calling young William of Orange to the head of its 
forces and government. William turned on at Arnheim 
the tap which controlled the waters of Yssel and Rhine, 
and put his country under two feet of water. The French 
Army had to retreat. 

Public opinion in England veered right round during 
this war ; the Navy had borne the strain gallantly on 
the water, but very badly in its administrative depart- 
ments ; want of money was at the root of all. Louis 
was thought to be leading us by the nose ; in reality 
Charles had got him to do on land the work which we 
were too weak to complete by sea. Holland hence- 
forth gradually ceased to be a first-class Power, and, 
though her commerce continued to increase far into the 
Eighteenth Century, England was soon able to compete 
successfully with that commerce in every quarter of the 
globe save one. 1 Parliament, when it met in the autumn 
of 1673 and again at the beginning of 1674, cried out 
for peace, and the Peace of 1674 recognized the status 
quo, all to the advantage of England. The object of young 
Prince William was henceforth to draw nearer and 
1 To wit the Spice Islands ; vide infra, vol. iv. p. 117. 

THE TEST ACT, 1673 35 

nearer to the English alliance, and in 1677 he succeeded 
in marrying his cousin, Mary Stuart, elder daughter of 
Prince James and Anne Hyde. 

As a step towards carrying out the most secret article 
of the Treaty of Dover, Charles had issued, in the same 
month in which he declared war on Holland, a Declara- 
tion of Indulgence, suspending all manner of penal laws 
against Dissenters from the English Church, Protestant 
and Catholic alike. The sturdy Protestants, who, more- 
over, had better hopes from a Bill which had already 
been introduced into the Lower House in 1668, did not 
rise to this fly ; any toleration for themselves if accom- 
panied by one for Papists, was to them a source of fear, 
and this shows that they can't have been very badly 
persecuted. Shaftesbury as Chancellor warmly sup- 
ported the Declaration, but Parliament, when it met in 
February, '73, utterly protested against anything of the 
kind. The King withdrew the thing in the most sub- 
missive manner, and it was a serious defeat for the 
Monarchy. Parliament went further, and passed, without 
a moment's hesitation, the first ' Test Act,' making the 
reception of the Sacrament according to the Prayer Book 
rite, and a strong declaration against the Catholic doctrine, 
an absolute necessity for all persons holding office under 
the Crown. James had to resign the Admiralty — a great 
loss to the Navy, for which he had done much — and 
Clifford the Treasurership. 1 Sir Thomas Osborne became 
Treasurer and was made Earl of Danby. Shaftesbury 
went into opposition and began to build up the party 
soon to be openly called the ' Whigs.' 

That party rested its claims on the maintenance of 
the tradition of Eliot and Hampden — a son of the latter 
1 He had been made Lord Treasurer in April, 1672. 


was one of its foremost members. Its favourite toast 
in after years was, ' The Cause for which Hampden bled 
on the field and Sidney * perished on the scaffold ! ' The 
continuity of the said Cause cannot altogether be denied ; 
Eliot and Hampden were in some measure the political 
ancestors of Shaftesbury and Sidney ; however much 
they had desired a united Nation, they had merely 
succeeded in dividing it. But they had, at least, been 
clean from personal motives ; they had never clamoured 
for the spoils of office. In the early years of the Parlia- 
ment of 1661, too, there was a knot of men verging 
towards Whiggish actions, if not towards Whiggish 
principles ; Lord Robartes in the Upper and Sir William 
Coventry in the Lower House are examples, and this 
' Country Party,' as it was then generally called, had 
recruited itself from many discontented old Cavaliers 
and courtiers ; it had, indeed, achieved a signal victory 
over Charles in 1673, but that was because of the shadow 
of Popery on the wall, which instantly rallied a majority 
against the Crown. Shaftesbury's motives, however, I 
take to have been ambitious and factious — the triumph 
of his party by any and every means. That there were 
good Whigs, who followed him in ignorance of this, I 
do not for a moment deny, still less do I deny that 
the Whig party, when settled in the saddle, became 
more respectable and occasionally governed England well. 
But they, even more than the Tories who opposed 
them, were born in faction and were never able to free 
themselves from their birth-stain. 

Shaftesbury is an extraordinarily interesting figure — 
a ' breathing corpse ' if you looked at his person, 
suffering from a constant running sore, — a man of deep 
1 Algernon Sidney, executed 1683. 


reading, classical, historical, philosophical and theo- 
logical, the friend of the great philosopher John Locke, 
a Royalist in the Civil War, a trusted administrator of 
the Protector, an intimate friend of Charles II. for the 
first twelve years of his reign, tolerant in advance of 
his age, perhaps because of his latitudinarian principles ; 
the first man who, from the House of Lords, swayed 
at once a majority in the House of Commons and in the 
City of London, and who waged, almost successfully, 
for seven years, a contest against one of the wariest 
and most unscrupulous Kings who ever sat on a throne. 
His first allies were perhaps the Duke of Buckingham 
and Lord Wharton ; soon there gathered round him 
the Earls of Essex, of Carlisle (a Howard), and Salisbury 
(a Cecil) ; Lord Falconbridge, Cromwell's son-in-law ; 
good old Holies, 1 William Lord Russell, Lord Grey of 
Wark and Lord Howard of Escrick ; the last two were 
men of disreputable character who betrayed their own 
side after its defeat. George Savile, Viscount and 
subsequently Marquis of Halifax, of whom anon, was 
prepared to go a long way with this party, but not the 
whole way. It is Shaftesbury, then, who is the first 
true party leader, prepared to go the whole way, to do 
anything in order to catch votes, and it must be 
admitted that he used very dirty tools. He was not, 
as later Whigs professed to be, the champion of 
Holland, or of Flanders, or of liberty abroad ; foreign 
politics, the naval strength and honour of England, 
are merely cards in his hand. It is noticeable that, 
while the party soon came to command an immense 
majority in the Commons, it had, in that House, only 
one man of note — William, Lord Russell ; its most 
1 The last surviving leader of Eliot's party of 1629. 


famous Commoner, Algernon Sidney, could never get 
a seat in Parliament. In the Lords, before 1689, it 
never had a majority at all ; it relied, therefore, mainly 
on the rank and file of the Lower House — many of 
whom had been enthusiastic Royalists in 1661. It 
speaks, therefore, volumes either for the suspicion en- 
gendered by Charles' want of system in government, or 
for the abilities of Shaftesbury, that these men, mainly 
rich country squires and merchants, were content to 
follow the latter as they did in his campaign against 
the Crown. 

Somewhere about the year 1674-5 King Charles 
began to give his mind to home politics more seriously 
than before. He was well served by Secretary Coventry 
and other administrators, and the wealth and credit of 
the country were growing steadily in spite of the im- 
morality of the Court and the factiousness of the Parlia- 
ment. He got in Danby a Treasurer of conspicuous 
ability, whose views on home politics were those of 
Clarendon, and who, in foreign matters, favoured and 
made an alliance with Holland — just the thing, one 
would have thought, to appeal to the Parliament which 
had denounced the alliance with France. Danby, who 
had no scruples, no friends ' except his own impu- 
dence,' and none too much money at his disposal, at- 
tempted to build up a counter-party in the Commons 
by direct bribery of honourable members, and was no 
doubt the first Minister of the Crown to bribe on any 
serious scale. He played his game well, but Charles 
was playing a deeper game still, and never gave him 
a free hand. Charles was still negotiating with Louis 
for supplies, and was holding over Louis' head the 
threat of a close alliance with Holland, Spain and the 


Emperor, against whom Louis continued to fight until 
the Peace of Nimeguen in August, '78. Against these 
negotiations Danby protested in vain. The real object 
of the King was to keep . England neutral in this war, 
and to be paid for doing so. With this view he agreed, 
in the autumn of 'yy, to the marriage of his niece Mary 
of York with her cousin William of Orange, and even 
gave the bride away ; with the same view he promised 
to Louis, from time to time during the decade '70-'8o, 
successive prorogations and dissolutions of Parliament, 
and winked at that monarch's aggressions on the 
Southern borders of Flanders, which a more patriotic 
King would have instantly opposed. 

Parliament, indeed, sat little during Danby 's tenure 
of office ; there was a prorogation of over a year, 
March, '74, to April, '75. It is to be noticed that these 
prorogations were made easy to the King by fierce 
quarrels between the Houses, whenever they met, mainly 
on points of ' privilege.' Danby was allowed in the 
latter month to bring in a Test Bill to exclude from 
both Houses of Parliament both Catholic and Protestant 
Dissenters, but Shaftesbury led a fierce opposition against 
him, and gave thereby the first proof of his power : 
he intrigued with old republican exiles in Holland ; he 
founded the ' Green Ribbon Club,' nominally for the 
purpose of burning the Pope in effigy, really as a centre, 
in which the parliamentary and non-parliamentary 
opposition to Charles could meet and lay plans of agita- 
tion. There was a very brief Session in '76, followed by 
a fifteen months' prorogation, and, at the next meeting, 
in February, '77, Shaftesbury began to raise the cry for 
a new Parliament ; he and his friends maintained that 
a prorogation for over a year should, ipso facto, cause 


a dissolution. This time his effort was in vain. 
Together with three other Peers he was sent to the 
Tower by the Lords themselves ; he remained there 
for over a year, and had to make an abject submission 
in order to be let out. Charles and Danby appeared in 
'jj to be completely triumphant over the first effort of 
the Whigs ; the King professed zeal for the Dutch cause 
and even got a considerable grant of money from Parlia- 
ment, with which he equipped his Fleet ; he also recalled 
and disbanded the few remaining British troops which 
were still in the French service. 1 

Louis began to be very uneasy ; he had no wish to 
see Charles united with the English people in the Dutch 
interest, and he therefore began to bribe himself a 
party in the English Parliament. The King of Spain 
and the Emperor, with far emptier pockets, were trying 
to do the same. Louis' main agent was a fat little 
Ambassador called Barillon, who resided for a long period 
in England, r and made himself agreeable in society in spite 
of his dirty habit of paring his nails in public. Barillon 
has left on record that it became increasingly difficult 
to fathom the aims of the King of England. But his 
bribes were not without success ; the Whig leaders 
promised to refuse Charles money for a French war. 
Shaftesbury (a very rich man), Russell and Holies would 
not take bribes, and, by 1680, Holies had turned his 
honest back on the party that rested on them ; but the 
others, including the ' lofty republican patriot ' Algernon 
Sidney, took their thousand guineas with great com- 

1 One regiment, ' The Buffs,' had returned from France at 
the date of the First Dutch War. Another, ' The Royal Scots,' 
originally in the Swedish service, had been in France from 1668- 
70. Neither of these was disbanded. 

THE POPISH "PLOT," 1678 41 

placency, and the result was that Charles was not able 
to pose as an armed mediator at the Peace of Nimeguen, 
August, 1678. Three months before that he had to 
apply to Louis again for cash, and Danby was made to 
write a letter demanding it — a letter which nearly cost 
the writer his head. 

This Peace in fact marked the height of Louis' power 
in Europe, but it was concluded at the expense of Spain 
and the Empire, rather than of England or Holland. 
Charles, then, had reason to be fairly satisfied, for he had 
certainly never desired to go to war against France, and 
only pretended to desire it as a move in the game against 
the Whigs. But the Whigs had discredited themselves 
also, for they had clamoured for war with France, and 
yet had refused the King the men and the money to wage 
it with ! Suddenly a new weapon fell into their hands. 
The Reverend (?) Titus Oates, son of an ex-chaplain of 
Pride's, himself once a Jesuit in Spain and Belgium, 
already in his youth twice indicted for perjury, returned 
to London from St. Omers in the summer of '78. With 
the aid of a London clergyman named Tonge, whom he 
gulled, Oates sought out a zealous London magistrate 
called Godfrey, and deposited with him a certain paper ; it 
was a copy of a story which, in August 'y8, he, Oates, 
found means to tell to the King. The tale was that the 
Jesuits had a plot on foot to kill Charles, and, if brother 
James refused to become their instrument in a wholesale 
massacre and revolution which was to follow, to kill 
brother James as well. 

Now there is no doubt that the Catholics were deeply 
disgusted with Charles, for he owed them much, and 
had failed to protect them ; after the defeat of his 
Declaration of Indulgence he hardly seemed to try to 


do so, and he had accepted the Test Act without a 
struggle. At the same time the lay Catholics and secular 
priests were loyal to the core, and it was their great 
misfortune, as it was that of their faith all over Europe, 
that the Jesuits would not let them rest in this loyalty. 
The most active English Jesuit was the Duchess of York's 
secretary, Edward Coleman. Louis had used him as a 
bribery agent, and he kept up a constant correspondence 
with French and Roman Jesuits. That correspondence 
unquestionably reveals a ' design ' of some sort. That 
correspondence, or at least the fact of it, was vaguely 
known to Oates ; he had probably heard of it from 
Belgian Jesuits. Warnings of something of the kind, 
from loyal Catholics, had reached the King before the 
pretended revelation of Oates. That some movement 
of ' force unlawfully directed against authority ' in the 
interest of the Jesuits was contemplated, is certain. 
What is not certain is how much James knew ; the case 
as put by the latest authority (Mr. John Pollock, ' The 
Popish Plot,' 1903) certainly looks black against him. 
Oates at any rate began, at the end of September, to 
accuse by name enormous numbers of people (leading 
Catholic Peers among them) of a design to kill the King. 
He was examined in Council, and the King pronounced 
him " a most lying knave " ; but, when Coleman's house 
was searched, incriminating papers were found, and the 
whole town was thrown into a violent ' No Popery ' 
fervour. Numerous Jesuits and other Catholics were 
arrested on the bare word of Oates. The terror and 
suspicion were increased when Sir Edmund Berry Godfrey, 
the magistrate who had received Oates' deposition, was 
found mysteriously dead in the outskirts of London 
on October 17th. His death is one of the favourite 


1 mysteries ' of History, but the most reasonable con- 
jecture seems to be that Oates had deposited with 
Godfrey papers implicating the leading Jesuits to an 
extent which he was afterwards unable to prove, but 
which they knew to be near the truth, and that to get 
possession of these papers they murdered Godfrey. It 
also looks as if Godfrey, who was a friend of Coleman, 
had given him some sort of warning, and even as if 
Godfrey had anticipated his own fate. 

In the month of Godfrey's murder, October '78, Parlia- 
ment met, and Shaftesbury at once reorganized his party 
on the basis of the ' Popish Plot ' : the Houses ordered 
Committees of Investigation, sent five Catholic Peers to 
the Tower, demanded the dismissal of all Papists from 
London, and passed a Bill for ever excluding them from 
both Houses. Oates became their hero, their idol, and, 
as he found people believed anything he said, he naturally 
went on to invent fresh and fresh lies. He soon found 
imitators, Bedloe, Dangerfield, Prance, etc. ; he was 
lodged at Whitehall, and no one dared to contradict 
him. The King had simply to stand by and bide his 
time. Shaftesbury more than hinted that ' Somerset 
House ' (the Queen's residence) knew all about the Plot. 
Parliament fell upon Danby, excellent Protestant though 
he was known to be, as an easy victim, and impeached 
him for the late secret letter to France, which the 
English Ambassador at Paris had revealed out of personal 
spite. At the same time it demanded the dismissal of 
James from the Privy Council, and even suggested his 
exclusion from the succession. 

The King was in a very tight place ; he certainly had 
no cause to love or trust brother James, but he didn't at 
first believe any of Oates' tales. As for Danby, Charles 


had already thrown Clarendon to the wolves, and been 
none the worse for it ; yet to save Danby he dissolved 
in January, '79, his eighteen-year-old Parliament, and 
called a new one to meet in March. The Green Ribbon 
Club at once began a fierce election campaign, in which, 
it is said, freeholds were for the first time actually created 
in the counties in order to multiply votes. The ' Ex- 
clusion of the Popish Successor ' and ' Vengeance for the 
Popish Plot ' were the leading cries. The result was an 
overpowering Whig majority in the Lower House. Those 
who, in our own days, cry out for a ' Single Chamber ' 
and denounce the hereditary legislators, might well take 
a look at those fateful years 1679-81. The vengeance 
that the Commons now demanded against whole cate- 
gories of innocent persons was as blind, as ignorant and as 
bloody as anything in the history of the French Revolu- 
tion. Luckily the House of Lords, though sharing much 
of this fanaticism, kept some measure of common sense. 
Parliament, however, had to deal with a King of the 
deepest craft, now thoroughly roused to play the game to 
the end for its own sake — one might almost say for the 
mere sport. Charles could at any moment have bought 
peace, overwhelming popularity and a rich supply of 
money, if he had wholly given way to the Whigs. He has 
been compared to an angler who has hooked a big salmon 
(he was fond of swearing by ' God's fish ') which he plays 
with consummate skill : as long as the fish is in rough 
water, going down stream at a fearful pace, and the banks 
are steep and rocky, he simply has to give it line and hold 
on ; it dashes over the last cataract, and thinks to break 
him and get to sea ; but he has still some line left, and, 
to the astonishment of the fish, it finds itself in a long, 
deep, smooth pool. Its last floppings are not dignified, 


and the angler with a smile reels in and gets his gaff 

The King's first move was to take a Ministry partly 
selected from the Opposition. He made Shaftesbury, 
almost against his will, President of the Council, Essex a 
Commissioner of the Treasury, Russell, Sir William Temple 
and Halifax Privy Councillors, and Lord Sunderland, 
a young man of whom we shall hear again, Secretary of 
State. He professed that he would be guided always by a 
Privy Council of thirty members, half at least of whom 
should always be members of the Houses. The scheme 
is attributed to Temple ; more probably it was Sunder- 
land's. It was in some measure a ' new Constitution,' 
a feeling towards the system of Cabinet government. 
The most important inclusion was that of Halifax. 
This remarkable man, George Savile, was a grandson of 
Strafford's sister ; his father had been the intimate 
friend of Selden, and had suffered loyally for Charles I. 
The son had been made a peer in '68. He had drifted 
over to Shaftesbury's side, partly in admiration of the 
latter's talents, partly because he largely agreed with his 
opinions. Both were latitudinarians, both professed 
toleration, but Halifax really believed in it, as he also 
believed in compromise. His learning and wit were 
as great as Shaftesbury's, his patriotism far more true. 
Charles had hitherto disliked, or perhaps really feared 
him ; now he at once found in him his right hand. Not 
that Halifax, if he had ever been a Whig, deserted the 
Whigs — he was inclined to go great lengths in Whiggery ; 
we shall see presently what he was not prepared to do. 

The Whigs in fact put themselves in the wrong by 
accepting office. Charles sent James out of the kingdom 
— to Brussels, and then to Scotland : this did not satisfy 


them, and the King had no intention that this or any- 
thing else should satisfy them. They prepared the 
impeachment of the five Popish Lords ; he professed to 
approve : they took up Danby's impeachment again ; 
Charles cheerfully let him go to the Tower. They 
proposed to the King to divorce the Queen, whom Oates 
had already accused of high treason ; Charles, while 
carefully protecting Katharine against Oates, allowed 
their leaders to think he would consider the matter of 
divorce. He even consented to the passing of a Habeas 
Corpus Act, which turned the old Common Law right 
into a Statutory right, and practically made it im- 
possible to keep suspected persons in prison without 
bringing them to trial. Then in May a Bill was intro- 
duced and carried in the Lower House to exclude James 
from the succession. Charles at once prorogued, and 
soon afterwards dissolved Parliament. 

By giving way as far as he had done, the King had 
induced Shaftesbury to think he would swallow any- 
thing. He had a natural son, James Crofts, whom he 
had made Duke of Monmouth, a handsome, vain, empty- 
headed lad, who gave himself away to the Whigs, and 
who now allowed Shaftesbury to * run ' him as candidate 
for the succession. A better candidate would have been 
the Prince of Orange at once, or rather the Prince's wife, 
Mary of York ; and to this it is possible that Halifax, 
whose foresight taught him to believe in William, might 
have agreed. But from an avowed bastard his whole 
mind recoiled ; and Shaftesbury spoilt his cause by 
getting up a rumour, to which Charles gave most solemn 
denial, that the King had really been married to Mon- 
mouth's mother, a woman of low character. This insult 
and the firm support of Halifax gave the King courage 


to dismiss Shaftesbury and his followers from the new 
Privy Council, October, '79. Laurence Hyde, the second 
son of Clarendon, became First Lord of the Treasury, 
and Sidney Godolphin came to share with Sunderland 
the duties of Secretary of State. 

Meanwhile, from the autumn of '78, the trials of 
1 Jesuits and other wicked persons/ accused of being in 
the Plot, had been going on and went on into 1681. 
Altogether over thirty persons were condemned to death, 
mostly on the false evidence of men like Oates and 
Bedloe. Their lives were sacrificed to the aggressive 
policy of Shaftesbury and the defensive policy of the 
King. Strangely enough, whatever truth lay at the 
bottom of the matter, neither Shaftesbury, who directed 
the storm, nor the judges, who tried the cases, knew. 
If the King knew, it is probable that Halifax knew also ; 
but we have no means of knowing what the King knew, 
and, till we can say that he knew something definite, 
we must brand him and Halifax too with the crime of 
going with the stream, and sacrificing lives which they 
believed to be innocent. The issue was now clear. 
Charles ' would rather see his son hanged than legitimize 
him.' Monmouth, who had been allowed to put down 
a rebellion of the Scottish Covenanters in the summer, 
was banished to the Hague, where William doubtless 
learned to know him for the empty ass he was. All the 
latter part of '79 and for the first half of '8o constant 
petitions for an early meeting of Parliament poured in 
upon the King, together with petitions of loyalty pro- 
fessing ' abhorrence ' of the Whigs' movements ; from 
this circumstance arose the names of ' Petitioners ' and 
* Abhorrers,' soon to be merged in those of ' Whigs ' 
and ' Tories/ Shaftesbury got up, among other things, 


pretended plots against his own life, or perhaps there 
may have been some grains of truth in these also ; 
certainly the Jesuits, whose backs were now to the 
wall, would not stick at a little assassination. The 
temper of the City was well shown on ' Queen 
Elizabeth's Day ' (November 17th), 1679, when, in the 
presence of a hundred thousand spectators, there was 
a great procession from Whitehall to Temple Bar, in 
which the Pope and the Devil, ' attended by boys in 
surplices, with a train of bishops, cardinals and friars/ 
were carried past the poor Queen's windows and the 
Pope was burned at Temple Bar ; the Lord Mayor had 
told the King it would be impossible to stop this show 
and dangerous to attempt it. But the tide was now be- 
ginning to turn, though the Whig fish was still tearing 
unconsciously down -stream to meet it. The evidence 
given by Oates on the trial of Sir George Wakeman, the 
Queen's physician, had been gravely shaken. Wakeman 
had been acquitted, and Scroggs, C.J., had said some 
very hard things to Oates ; and when, at the end of 
1680, Lord Stafford, the oldest and most venerable of 
the five Catholic Peers impeached for the plot, was at 
last brought to trial before the House of Lords, there 
was good reason to expect an acquittal. To the Kings' 
great surprise and disgust he was found guilty. New 
witnesses had arisen, whose credit his feeble and rambling 
defence failed to shake. The King dared not pardon 
him, for, if he was to triumph in the end, he must not 
appear to be ' defeating the ends of justice.' Moreover 
it was on the Lords that the King relied most, and it 
was a majority of twenty- two Lords who had condemned 
Stafford. But the end was not far off. 

Six months earlier Shaftesbury had indicted James as 


a Popish recusant, though the Judges had managed to 
prevent the Grand Jury from giving its verdict. The 
new Parliament met in October, '80, and Charles offered 
expedient after expedient to neutralize the dangers 
expected from a Popish successor ; offered, in fact, any- 
thing short of Exclusion. But the Commons were 
1 outside themselves,' and passed the Exclusion Bill at 
once. The Lords, mainly owing to the brilliant reasoning 
of Halifax, threw out the Bill by a majority of two to 
one. Thereon the Commons, not content with refusing 
supply, voted that any one who helped the King with 
money was an enemy to the kingdom ; civil war was in 
fact freely suggested in the Whigs' camp. In January, 
'8i, Charles suddenly dissolved Parliament and called 
a new one to meet at Oxford on March 21st. He had 
assured himself, by a good supply of money from 
France, of being able to hold on for the next three 
years. Sunderland, who had advised his master to 
give way to the Whigs and recognize Monmouth as his 
heir, was dismissed, and not reinstated until '83. 

Shaftesbury ' went to the country ' with the old cries 
of 1679, yet more shrill : ' The Bill, the whole Bill, and 
nothing but the Bill of Exclusion ! ' ' No " Arbitrary " 
Dissolution of Parliament ! ' ' No Standing Army ! ' 
and Monmouth (James Crofts) for heir of Great Britain 
and Ireland ! The said Crofts returned from exile, and 
went about allowing Green Ribbonites to worship him. 
The Whig Peers rode to Oxford in arms and accom- 
panied by armed retainers ; the King for his part took 
a troop of Lifeguards with him. Both retainers and 
Lifeguards, it was thought, would be needed. Oddly 
enough the future George I., then ' courting the Lady 
Anne,' paid a visit to Oxford about the same time : he 

vol. in 4 

50 OXFORD IN 1681 

did not reveal his thoughts on the points at issue between 
cousin Charles and his subjects ; George was not given 
to revealing his thoughts, and the lady Anne ultimately 
married another George, Prince of Denmark, in his 
stead. The undergraduates were sent down, which 
must have been a great disappointment to them, before 
the King arrived on March 14th. On his way to Christ 
Church, where he lodged, gownsmen 1 crowded round 
his carriage crying out, ' The Devil hang up the Round- 
heads/ whereat His Majesty smiled and seemed pleased. 
Carfax blazed with bonfires, but without Rumps (which 
Antony Wood thought a pity). On the 17th the King 
went to Bur ford races. The Queen, who only felt safe 
when she was near her husband, lodged at Merton. 
Shaftesbury, who had tried to get his friend Locke to hire 
a whole College for him, was obliged to put up with about 
half of Balliol ; his servants no doubt would go across 
and drink at that ' horrid, dingy, scandalous alehouse, 
where the Balliol men, by continual bubbing, do add art 
to their natural stupidity.' These, by the way, told their 
Master, ' who spoke to them of the mischiefs of that 
hellish liquor called ale,' that the Vice-Chancellor's men(i.e. 
Trinity men) do the same thing at The Split Crow. The 
Vice-Chancellor seems to have defended the practice : — 
" There is no hurt," says he, "in ale." Mr. Prideaux, 
who tells of this scandal, was a Christ Church man, but 
he was afterwards obliged to own that the students of 
' the House ' ' owed £1,500 in ticks at The Mermaid.' 

Oxford tradesmen, in spite of a regular tariff posted 
up by the Vice-Chancellor, were evidently charging 
' Commemoration prices,' for even that pestilent Whig 

1 Presumably Dons, who were then bolder in expressing sound 
opinions than they are to-day. 


Alderman William Wright, M.P., at whose house 
Monmouth lodged, was not above asking Shaftesbury 
twenty shillings a bushel for oats, 1 and declaring it was 
cost price ! The Lords sat in the Geometry School on 
the first floor of the ' Schools,' and the Commons in the 
Convocation House itself ; this was, however found 
inconveniently small. The King on the 21st, in a crafty 
speech, made his last offer, well knowing that it would 
be refused ; James, he said, should be banished the 
kingdom and Mary of Orange act as Regent for him ; 
any son James had should be educated as a Protestant 
— only let the title of King remain to its lawful owner ; 
to the elevation of Monmouth he, Charles, would never 
consent. But not a word of this would Shaftesbury's 
party hear. Exclusion and Exclusion alone would 
satisfy them. For six days 2 the Commons were perfectly 
confident. Charles pretended to be preparing the Shel- 
donian Theatre for their better accommodation. But 
on the 28th he suddenly appeared in his robes in the 
Lords, sent for the Commons, and said, " My Lords and 
Gentlemen, that all the world may see to what a point 
we are come," etc., and dissolved his last Parliament. 
He had gauged the turn of the tide with perfect accuracy ; 
the Whig fish had altogether mistaken it, and had spent 

1 The ways of Oxford tradesmen were no doubt always 
inscrutable, but I am bound to add that the price quoted sounds 
incredible. It is, however, given by Mr. Christie, usually a very 
accurate writer, in his ' Life of Shaftesbury/ vol. ii., p. 396. 
Lord Shaftesbury's papers are now, in excellent order, at the 
Record Office, but I searched them in vain for this letter, which 
was written by John Locke on February 6th ; nor is anything 
known of the letter at St. Giles House, Cranborne, the seat of 
the present Lord Shaftesbury. 

2 March 27th was a Sunday. 


its furious strength in vain ; the angler's iron wrist had 
but to reel in, and his triumph was complete. 

The strength of the reaction must not, however, be 
overstated. ' The country,' i.e. the intelligent upper 
classes, felt that anything was better than civil war, the 
dreadful period of which every one of middle age could 
remember. The Whigs were preparing for civil war, 
simply to set a bastard on the throne of Great Britain. 
The alternative was a Papist, and we hated it ; but 
it couldn't be helped. We would do our best to be loyal 
to him ; and when he became King we tried very hard 
to be so. The humour of the situation is reached when 
we learn from Bishop Burnet that, on William's next 
visit to Charles, in July of that same year, the King 
prophesied to his nephew exactly what James would 
do when he became King ; and many people have 
therefore not unnaturally said, ' Would not Charles 
have been wiser to agree with his Parliament ? ' The 
answer must be a thousand times, No. In the first place 
this acute if unscrupulous man saw that his Parliament 
did not represent any enduring wish of the sober part 
of the English people ; the Whig majority was a ' scratch ' 
majority, based on a temporary terror, fanned by the story 
of the Plot. In the second place, the Crown would have 
been for ever degraded by being placed on the head of 
the son of Lucy Walters. Charles saved the Majesty of 
the Crown, whatever that was worth — and it is worth very 
much — and handed it on with a lustre that the Revolution 
of 1688 could not impair, that even the four Georges 
could scarcely dim. But for the wicked King Charles 
there would have never been a good Queen Victoria. 
^Shaftesbury was now reduced to planning either open 
or secret risings, which every hour made more and more 


certain to fail. Plots there could be, and even assassina- 
tion plots ; the Whiggery of the City of London had been 
very violent and would die very hard. Halifax suggested 
Shaftesbury's immediate arrest, and he was arrested in 
July and sent to the Tower under a charge of high treason. 
Just before he was brought to trial in November, Dryden 
set the world ringing with his great satire of ' Absalom 
and Achitophel ' (Monmouth and Shaftesbury ; see 
II. Sam. xv-xviii). But, at the trial, Whig Sheriffs of 
course impanelled a Whig Grand Jury, and ' no true 
bill ' was found. Shaftesbury, however, on his release, 
failed in an attempt to prosecute for perjury the wit- 
nesses who had appeared against him. All 1682 the 
reaction grew, and all the attempts of the Whig leaders 
to raise forces were in vain. These leaders were now 
reduced to Essex, Monmouth, Lord Grey of Wark, 
William Lord Russell, Algernon Sidney and Shaftesbury 
himself. Towards the end of the year the last was 
obliged to go into hiding in the East end of London, and, 
when Monmouth was arrested, he lost heart and fled 
in disguise to Holland. That hospitable country was 
already full of exiles of his party, but an Amsterdam 
burgher must be excused if he greeted Shaftesbury with 
the quip, " Carthago nondum est deleta." In a few weeks, 
January, '83, the great Whig leader was dead. Assassina- 
tion plots remained the last card of his defeated followers, 
and for two of these, brought to light in 1683, Russell and 
Sidney suffered death. It is probable that Russell at 
least was innocent of any intention to kill ; he was, 
however, actively plotting insurrection, and so has become 
a Whig martyr. In both cases the law of treason was 
severely strained by the Judges, especially in the case of 
Sidney, when an unpublished republican manuscript 


was allowed to count as evidence against the prisoner. 
The more famous of the two designs, called the ' Rye 
House Plot,' to kill Charles and James at a lonely post- 
house near Hoddesdon on their way home from New- 
market, was organized by two men called Ferguson and 
Rumbold ; the former, who had a perfect genius for plots 
and for escaping from their consequences, became a 
chaplain of Monmouth's in 1685, and died as a Jacobite 
plotter ; the latter was an old ' agitator ' of 1649, and had 
been on guard at Charles I.'s scaffold — he would have 
been ' none the worse for a hanging ' at any time, and 
ended with being hanged for Argyll's rising. Essex 
saved himself from Russell's fate by committing suicide 
in prison, Lord Howard of Escrick by turning King's 
evidence, and Lord Grey by flight to Holland. Sidney's 
had been an extraordinary career ; he was a Percy as 
well as a Sidney ; he had fought at Marston Moor, had 
been named, but had refused to sit as one of Charles I.'s 
judges ; had denounced Oliver for turning out the Long 
Parliament, had lived, now in high Catholic society at 
Rome, now with exiled regicides in Switzerland, and had 
vehemently supported the Dutch against his fatherland in 
1665. Even Shaftesbury had always distrusted him, and 
he had taken an enormous bribe from Barillon. But, as 
he said, he was ' manus haec inimica tyrannis,' and, after 
Shaftesbury's flight, he led Essex and Russell by the nose. 
On the rebellious City of London also vengeance was 
taken. On some trifling pretext its Charter was forfeited 
and a new one granted, by which the Sheriffs and Alder- 
men had to be approved by the Crown, and were given 
a veto on the elections of the Common Council-men. 
Thus a Royalist Corporation was ensured, Royalist juries 
could now be impanelled, and Royalist members would 


probably be returned to Parliament. As for that body 
itself, Charles omitted to summon it for the rest of his 
reign — very nearly four years from the dissolution of the 
Oxford Session ; Halifax, it is true, urged him to summon 
it, but Halifax also interceded warmly for Russell's life. 
Charles was no doubt hard up for cash, in spite of the 
excellent management of his Treasurer, Laurence Hyde, 
now Lord Rochester, but it was a condition to which 
he was well used, and his alliances, both with France 
and France's enemy William, seemed firmer than ever. 
Whether even his adroitness could have continued to 
maintain this position long must be doubtful. Charles 
had frankly told William in 1681 that there might be 
danger for the Netherlands, but that his own first duty 
was to save the Crown of England. He had managed 
to hold Louis back from an attack upon Luxemburg in 
1681, but failed to do so in 1684. Monmouth had given 
trouble in 1682 — he had been making quasi-royal pro- 
gresses in the West, and had even ' touched ' persons for 
the ' King's evil,' as the scrofula, healable only by royal 
touch, was called ; he was therefore again banished in 1683. 
The King died of an unknown l disease, which baffled the 
medical science of that day, on February 6th, 1685 ; his 
last act was to accept the sacraments from a Catholic priest 
who had aided his escape from Worcester ; his last words 
were to apologize, with cynical politeness, for ' having been 
such an unconscionable time in dying.' Indeed he must 
have been a man of extraordinary physical endurance to 
bear for five days the tortures of bleeding and blistering 
with hot bricks, which the doctors applied to relieve him. 

1 Dr. Raymond Crawfurd has at length made a true diagnosis 
of Charles' disease, and is about to publish a monograph on the 



If one put James II. into a book of fiction, people would 
say, " What an impossible character ! " Other men who 
have thrown away crowns from sheer bigotry have had 
some substratum of goodness, or some personal charm, 
or it has been possible to weave some romance round 
them. James was bad, unromantic and a fool. 

King Solomon in his Proverbs distinguishes between 
two kinds of fools ; there is one who should be answered 
according to his folly, and one who should not. James 
was equally incapable of profiting by either kind of 
answer. Louis XIV. honestly told him to seek his 
salvation in a close French alliance, to unwhig his people 
for ever, and to chastise them with scorpions if they 
resisted ; and, though much of this fell in with James' 
particular brand of folly, he was too proud to take the 
advice. The loyal English Tories, on the other hand, 
told James that he must reign according to the old 
Constitution, and protect the Church of England ; 
Whiggery would then die a natural death. This advice 
he rejected even more contemptuously ; and in forty-six 
months he had rushed blindly on his fate. No king or 
man ever more richly deserved that fate : the supremacy, 
not the liberation of his own Church was what he meant 



to bring about ; and his own Church was not even that 
of his own Catholic subjects, who only wanted peace 
and quiet ; still less was it that of the Pope, who hated 
and dreaded Louis XIV. ; but it was the Church of the 
French Jesuits, who were scheming to set their feet on 
the necks of Popes, Kings and peoples alike. James, 
however, was an inapt pupil of the Jesuits, for he was 
a singularly inadequate liar and an even worse judge 
of men. The Catholics whom he gathered round him 
were men without character, ability or position in 
the country ; he would take to his bosom the most 
ludicrous hypocrites if they pretended conversion ; he 
would tell his most loyal Tories that he would no longer 
employ them unless they would be converted : he was 
fond of saying that his father had been ruined ' because 
he had made concessions,' and that he, James, meant to 
make none. But it was just because he was in other 
respects a bad, cheap copy of his father, that he 
died an exile ; of the private virtues, of the dignity and 
courage of his father in misfortune, he had no share. 

There was nothing altogether impossible, though much 
that was inconvenient, in the position of a Catholic 
Sovereign ruling over Protestant subjects ; there were 
other instances of it in Europe. Except in Spain 
Catholics now seldom actually burned Protestants ; even 
James had made no serious attempts to convert his 
two daughters. But England and all Europe saw how 
Louis XIV. was persecuting French Protestants who 
refused conversion, and it would therefore behove James 
to walk very warily. At first he promised to do so ; he 
was proclaimed King without a dog barking ; he told 
his first Privy Council that ' no one should perceive his 
private opinions,' and that he would protect Church and 


State as by law established. Of bis first ' Cabinet,' 
Rochester, Godolphin, Halifax and Sunderland, we 
already know something. Rochester and his brother 
Clarendon, Viceroy of Ireland, were the hope of the 
' stern unbending Tories ' ; for right divine, non-resistance 
and all the rest of it ; a harsh, unpopular but honest 
pair. Godolphin was a good administrator, but had no 
influence. Halifax, the ablest living Englishman, soon 
found that he too had none, but as he did not scruple 
to give the most unpalatable advice in the most courtly 
language, he was soon dismissed. The man of the hour 
was Robert Spencer, Earl of Sunderland, Secretary of 
State, son of a hero who had fallen by Falkland's side at 
Newbury and of a lady who had been sung by poets as 
' Saccharissa ' ; he was a strange product of such parents. 
Dryden calls him 

A second Machiavel, who soared above 
The little ties of gratitude and love. 

When he thought Shaftesbury would win he had been 
quite ready to swallow the Exclusion Bill : he was now 
all for vengeance on the defeated Whigs ; but, in case of 
accident, he used his wicked wife's lover, Henry Sidney, 
to convey treacherous intelligence to the Dutch Court. 
Though he took a large annual pension from France, it 
was he who prevented James from accepting the help 
of France in the crisis of 1688. He turned Papist in 
that year, and Protestant again after the Revolution. 
But he had mental abilities and a grasp of politics only 
inferior to those of Halifax. 

King James also took much counsel of Sir George 
Jeffreys, Chief Justice, whom he made Lord Chancellor 
in the autumn of 1685. Jeffreys was an exaggerated 


specimen of the acute but vulgar criminal lawyer, of 
which there have been plenty since his time. Lords 
Powis, Bellasys and Arundel were stupid and not dis- 
honourable Catholics ; Lord Dover clever and dishonour- 
able. Richard Talbot, Earl of Tyrconnel, belongs to 
Irish history. Edward Petre, the King's Jesuit Clerk 
of the Closet and chief adviser, was detested by the 
better Catholics, and distrusted by every one who knew 
him : the King vainly tried to get the Pope to make 
him a Cardinal or Archbishop of York ; but the Pope 
very handsomely snubbed Lord Castlemaine, who was 
sent to Rome on this errand. In fact the Pope would 
have nothing to say to any of James' gang. 

The moderate sentiments which James had at first 
expressed lasted very few weeks. His attempts in favour 
of Popery may be divided into two periods : in the first 
he hoped to get the Church of England to consent to 
them ; in the second he tried an alliance with the Pro- 
testant Dissenters against that Church. That which 
operated fatally against both attempts was the state of 
Europe at the time. James was fifty- two years old, and 
his heiress was Mary, Princess of Orange, a pious, brave, 
tender-hearted Protestant lady, wholly submissive to 
her husband. Her reign, therefore, would be the reign 
of William the Dutchman, an invalid suffering badly 
from asthma, a Calvinist, famous for his taciturnity and 
unconciliatory manners ; ' the plainest man ever seen 
and of no fashion at all,' Charles' courtiers had thought, 
but one who concealed a soul of fire under a mask of ice. 
The fuel that fed that fire was hatred of Louis XIV. To 
build up European leagues against Louis, and to throw 
the weight of the English Navy and purse into their scale 
was the object of William's life; and, in order to do this 


last, he was finally obliged to play in English politics 
the part of a Whig. He never liked the part ; could his 
wife have succeeded her father in the course of nature 
and fairly soon, he might have led a united England 
against Louis. By temperament William was autocratic ; 
he had had his bellyful of Republican sentiments and 
factious Whiggery at the Hague, and was still having 
it. But circumstances and the folly of James left him 
no choice. Louis to some extent smoothed his path, for 
the aggressive policy of France brought about in 1686 
the League of Augsburg between Spain, the Emperor 
and some German States ; moreover, by revoking his 
grandfather's ' Edict of Nantes,' Louis had flooded 
Europe with industrious Protestant exiles burning for 
revenge. In England enormous subscriptions were raised 
for these people, much to the disgust of King James. 

James called a Parliament in May, and it proved to be 
a High Church Tory Assembly, the most loyal that any 
Stuart King ever called. It voted him his brother's 
revenue at once, and did not press for the execution of 
anti-Catholic laws. While it was sitting the successful 
crushing of two rebellions strengthened the throne a 
good deal. The former of these, Argyll's, belongs to 
Scottish history ; " the latter, that of the Duke of 
Monmouth, was the last rebellion that had its roots in 
English soil. Each started from Holland, and originated 
in plots of Whig exiles there ; but to William, of course, 
the success of either would have been fatal. Monmouth 
landed in June near Lyme, Dorset, with only eighty- 
three companions. But Somerset was an old ' Parlia- 
mentary ' district, and the bastard Duke had made 
many friends there in '82. He put forward an extremely 
1 Vide infra, p. 241. 


Whiggish declaration, leaving the question of his 
' rights ' to a free Parliament, but branding his uncle 
James as a tyrant ; and his programme, equality of all 
Protestants, annual Parliaments, etc., proved attractive 
to the peasantry and the artisans of the small towns. 
So when he reached Taunton, an old Whig stronghold, 
he had gathered round him some five thousand ill- 
armed men, and thereupon claimed the Crown ; many of 
the Militia, who were called out against him, deserted 
to his colours. But very few persons of substance 
joined him, though he had hopes of help from Lord 
Delamere in Cheshire. Parliament at once voted 
£400,000 for the Army, and attainted the Duke of high 
treason. Lords Feversham and Churchill led the regular 
troops, including the recently recalled garrison of Tangier 
under Colonel Kirke, into the West. The Pretender 
was completely routed at Sedgemoor near Bridgwater, 
though the Wessex peasants, armed with scythes, 
fought most gallantly ; and Kirke, who was entrusted 
with their final suppression, decorated Somerset with 
gibbets. The autumn Assize which followed was known 
(after the Revolution, when much legend rapidly grew 
up) as the ' Bloody Assize,' * and Jeffreys, who presided 
at it, incurred much obloquy. There were nearly four- 
teen hundred prisoners to be tried for treason in Dorset, 
Somerset and Devon ; sixty-five were executed at once, 
and during the next few months perhaps as many again, 
but the majority were allowed to ransom themselves, or 

1 The first use I have found of the word is in an anonymous 
Dutch book, ' by D. v. H./ now in the library of the Athenaeum 
Club, published in 1690, called ' Englands Staatsveranderingen 
vertoond in het Leven van Jacobus II.,' and evidently written 
by some one who accompanied William's expedition to England. 


were transported to America. Jeffreys, who was accused 
of taking bribes from the relations of some prisoners, 
said, after his own fall, that the King had urged him 
to much greater severity. 

During the rebellion James, in defiance of the Test 
Act, had employed some Catholics in his Army, and 
Halifax, who remonstrated against this, had been dis- 
missed. What would the loyal Houses of Parliament 
say ? They reassembled in November, just after James 
had outraged public feeling by prohibiting the celebra- 
tion of ' the Fifth ' (' no bonfires or squibs allowed '). 
James made a long speech to them, pointed out, with 
some truth, how inefficient the Militia had proved, and 
asked for a large increase of the regular Army. Then 
with incredible folly he went on to stir gratuitously the 
question of the employment of Catholics, which perhaps 
might have been passed over in silence, and said he was 
determined to keep them. This was too much for the 
Commons, who, by the mouth of a typical Tory, Sir 
Edward Seymour, ' that proud and saucy man,' protested 
emphatically against anything of the kind. A vote of 
£700,000 for the Army was carried, but James wantonly 
threw this away in his anger at the protest, which in the 
Lords, led by Halifax, Devonshire and Bishop Compton 
of London, had been even more emphatic. On the 
tenth day of its session Parliament was prorogued, and 
James never summoned it again. 

He now proceeded to give, wholesale, ' dispensations ' 
to Catholics to hold offices in spite of the Test Act, and, 
after clearing out four Judges, got a judicial decision 
to the effect that such ' dispensing power ' was legal. 
Herbert, C.J., laid down that such power was an essential 
part of the Royal Prerogative : and, in law as based on 


precedent, Herbert was right ; he was no mere time- 
server, for when he shortly afterwards refused to rule, as 
James wished him to, that for a soldier to desert his 
colours was a capital felony, he was speedily dismissed. 
But the result of the legalizing of the dispensing power 
was that precedent and principle were now brought 
into more glaring opposition than under Charles I. 
There was nothing to stop a Catholic King from filling 
every office in the Protestant State — civil, military and 
religious — with men of his own faith, and James promptly 
began to do so. He seems to have forgotten that, if he 
were successful, there would not in England be nearly 
enough Catholics ' to go round.' That he offended 
three-fourths of the Peerage by turning out of posts at 
Court or Lord-Lieutenancies great men like the Dukes 
of Somerset and Norfolk, troubled him not at all. 

And the Church of England, which by its doctrine of 
divine right had put him on the throne, seemed to him 
an excellent corpus vile on which to experiment with 
dispensations. Was he not Head of the said Church ? 
In July, '86, he appointed an Ecclesiastical Commission 
to exercise the disciplinary powers of the Headship for 
him. Jeffreys and Sunderland were the leading spirits 
on it ; Rochester was always outvoted and soon ceased 
to attend it ; Archbishop Sancroft refused to sit on it ; 
Bishops Spratt and Crewe did sit, but the former resigned 
in '88. Its first job was to deal with Edward Compton, 
Bishop of London, who had refused to suspend a parson 
for preaching against Popery. Compton was a dangerous 
man to offend — a sturdy, rather unspiritual person, of 
noble birth, who had been in the Guards before he took 
orders, and since had been tutor to Princesses Mary and 
Anne. The Commission suspended him from his bishop- 


ric. Then, in the Universty of Oxford, James thought 
that three at least of the leading colleges might well be 
Romanized ; so he gave dispensations to Catholics to 
hold the Deanery of Christ Church and the Mastership 
of University. 

As you approached Oxford by the London road the 
first object that then greeted your eyes was the lovely 
tower of Magdalen College. ' That,' said a friend to 
the Duke of Wellington in after years, ' was the wall 
against which James II. ran his head ' ; and indeed 
the King hurtled with unexampled violence against 
those venerable stones. On a vacancy in the headship 
in March, '8y, our Fellows (I speak as a Magdalen man) 
refused to execute King James' mandate to elect a man 
of bad character, reputed a Papist and statutably in- 
eligible, and chose Mr. Hough instead. As a concession 
to morality the King withdrew his bad friend, and 
ordered the College to substitute for Hough Dr. Parker, 
the Bishop of Oxford, who had strong leanings to Popery. 
This was also refused. The case dragged on for nearly 
a year, but ended in the deprivation by the Ecclesiastical 
Commission of Hough, of twenty-five Fellows and of 
numerous scholars. Good Lord Abingdon wrote to the 
deprived Fellows, and told them that " he wished he 
had preferments enough for all of 'em, but, as he hadn't, 
they were welcome to beef and mutton at Rycot." 
Papists were put in their places by the Crown. Parker 
died in March, '88, and a Catholic bishop called Gifford 
was immediately nominated President, but the under- 
graduates treated him and the new Fellows ' with all 
imaginable scorn.' 

The same game went on elsewhere ; early in '8y the 
Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge was deprived of his office 


and of all his preferments, because the Senate had refused 
to give a degree to a monk. A Jesuit school, with 
tuition gratis, was opened at the Savoy ; a gorgeous 
Catholic chapel was dedicated at Whitehall, a colony 
of monks was established in St. James' Palace Chapel, 
and a Papal Nuncio, who, for his part, approved of 
none of these proceedings, was received in great state 
at Court. There was even a dreadful rumour that 
Dr. Busby of Westminster School, the greatest Head 
Master that ever swished boy (1638-95), was to make 
way for a Jesuit ! 

When he finally dismissed Rochester in January, '87, 
James had parted with all hope of bending the English 
Church, whose loyalty had given way to terror, and 
whose terror was now driving it towards resistance. 
It was now that the King turned to the Dissenters and 
issued his first ' Declaration of Indulgence/ suspending 
wholesale the Test Act and all other Acts and oaths 
restrictive of religious freedom. This document has 
the impertinence to take its stand upon * Natural Rights,' 
of which the English law knows nothing at all. "I 
am confident," James writes to his cousin 'Sophia 
of Hanover, " that the much greater part of the 
Nation is grateful to me for having given liberty 
of conscience to all." Some Dissenting bodies, such 
as the Baptists and the Quakers, under the influence 
of William Penn, swallowed the bait ; but the sober 
Presbyterians, immeasurably the largest Dissenting sect, 
preferred ' persecution ' by the English Church to tolera- 
tion in common with the Roman. From that hour a 
successful revolt in some shape was merely a question 
of time and opportunity. 

There was indeed one real danger. In the summer of 
vol. in 5 


'8j James dissolved his long-prorogued Parliament, and 
began to prepare measures for getting a new one of a 
Catholic and Dissenting complexion. He thought that he 
could do this by jobbery ; so he appointed a Commission 
to ' regulate ' the Municipal Corporations, whose charters 
had already in many cases been regranted, on the 
model of that of London, since the year 1681. This 
Commission substituted aldermen and town councillors, 
either of Papist or Dissenting views, for those who then 
existed ; these, it was supposed, would elect subservient 
members for boroughs. The county constituencies might 
be ' managed ' by the nomination of Catholics or Dis- 
senters as Lords-Lieutenant, Sheriffs and Justices of 
the Peace ; and, if these people couldn't intimidate 
the forty-shilling freeholder at the poll, they could at 
least make false returns, or job him out of his vote in 
some way. As for the Lords, the King could ' swamp ' 
them by nominating a hundred or so of his courtiers to 
be Peers. But all this took time, and, hard as James 
worked at it, and often as he said he was going to call 
a Parliament, he always found that he was ' not quite 
ready yet.' 

And what of the future ? Suppose such a sham 
Parliament called, and the Catholics and the wilder 
sectaries in possession of all power ? Great is the name 
of a Parliament, but would England still acquiesce, and 
believe in that body ? William of Orange did not feel 
sure about this ; but his English friends told him plainly 
that, in that case, there would be no Protestant Succession 
or Successor. William, of course, was in touch with all 
parties in England, and was admirably served by his 
agents, Dykvelt and Zulestein. There was the reckless 
Tom Wharton, the Whig profligate and wit, who had 


carried the Exclusion Bill up to the Lords, and who 
was now writing a mad song called ' Lilliburlero,' set to 
music by Purcell, which was to ' whistle King James 
out of three kingdoms ' ; he was for striking at once. 
Even the loyal Hyde brothers, even Danby, the champion 
of Princess Mary, Churchill, the friend of Princess Anne, 
Shrewsbury, the convert from Popery, Bedford and 
Nottingham, heads respectively of moderate Whigs and 
moderate Tories — all these could only tell William much 
the same as Wharton, ' in te spes unica! . . . ' for the 
Queen is with child again : true, all her children have 
hitherto died in infancy ; but this one will live and it 
will be a boy. The Jesuits will take care that it is a 
boy. The King has been to St. Winifred's Holy Well 
in Wales, and the Saint has assured him that it shall be 
a boy.' And so the year '8y ran out, and every one 
whistled ' Lilliburlero Bullen-a-la.' 

William had given due heed to these warnings, and, 
by the beginning of '88, was preparing to do something 
serious, though it was not till July that James got a 
glimmering idea that ' some in Holland have a mind to 
a war.' Louis pressed upon James an open French 
alliance and an attack on Holland ; James turned a 
deaf ear to all but Father Petre, Sunderland and 
St. Winifred. But he asked the Dutch Estates to send 
back the six British regiments that had been in Holland 
since 1678, and, when the Estates refused, he began 
some fortifications at Sheerness and Chatham. William's 
initial difficulties, however, were, like those of his name- 
sake in 1066, enormous : as Admiral and Captain-General 
of the Dutch Army and Navy he could not put those 
forces on a war footing without the consent of the Es- 
tates ; and the Estates, besides being jealous of William, 


could point out that there was no offensive alliance of 
England and France, and so no casus belli. William 
was obliged, therefore, both to stretch his legal powers 
and to begin his equipment largely from his private 
resources. Before midsummer he had accomplished 
very little, and meanwhile in England events had 
marched fast. 

Princess Anne in London was in terror early in the 
year ; her letters to Sister Mary curse Sunderland for 
a knave who is pushing on the King to more Popery : 
..." Don't come here and don't let William come, 
even if father invites him. ... I fear something might 
happen to you . . . burn this letter at once." April 
brought a second Declaration of Indulgence, and an 
order to all parsons to read it from their pulpits on 
two successive Sundays. This was the crux for the 
English churchmen, and had been intended by the 
King to be so. He who refused to read would incur 
the guilt of resistance to the Lord's Anointed ; he who 
read would betray his faith. The Bishops, supported 
by the Hydes and other Tory Peers, held anxious con- 
ference at Lambeth, and, on May 18th, seven of them — 
Sancroft, White, Ken, Lloyd, Trelawney, Lake and 
Turner — presented to the King a most respectful petition 
against the order to read the Declaration. James told 
them their petition was ' a Standard of rebellion ' ; 
they little knew that he was speaking the truth. It 
was intended to be kept private, but it was published 
the same day, and its words ran through England like 
an electric spark. The Church, never really popular 
before, became the idol of Whig London, whose Cor- 
poration had just been tampered with to suit James' 
design for a sham Parliament. The King madly deter- 


mined to prosecute the Seven Bishops for a ' seditious 
libel,' and meanwhile sent them to the Tower ; all the 
City poured out on to the River, or knelt in the mud 
at the edge, to beg their blessing as they went thither. 
James thought he was sure of his Judges, and did his 
best to pack a jury. But, when the trial came off on 
June 29th, his Judges deserted him, his counsel was 
hissed in court, and, though one fat juryman, who was 
Court brewer, held out against his eleven brethren all 
night, he gave way in the morning, and the Bishops 
were acquitted. Even the soldiers of James' Army, 
now encamped at Hounslow thirty thousand strong, 
shouted for joy at the news. As for the Declaration, in 
London only four parsons dared to read it, and their 
congregations walked out in a body when they began. 
At Scarborough the Mayor was tossed in a blanket by 
the soldiers for ordering it to be read, and it was the 
same story all over England. 

And on June 10th had been born to James and Mary 
Beatrice their only son — the child of misfortune, who 
was to grow up too good for such a father. James gave 
the midwife five hundred guineas. There was a rumour 
that the boy was to be called Ludovicus Innocentius 
Carolus Jacobus, but it was only James Francis Edward. 
The Pope and the Queen-Dowager, Katharine, were 
sponsors. William, in perplexity, sent to congratulate, 
but his friends told him this was a false step. ' No one,' 
they said, ' believes the Prince to be of royal birth ; 
he was smuggled into the palace by Father Petre in a 
warming-pan ; none of the Royal Family or great officers 
of State were present at the delivery ; of course it is a 
fraud.' It was true that none of the usual precautions 
had been taken ; but the facts were that the Queen had 


not expected her baby so soon, and that few respectable 
Protestants were in the habit of going to Court. Sixty- 
seven persons were, however, in St. James' Palace at 
the hour of the birth, and Lady Sunderland, who would 
have been sure to betray the secret if there had been 
one, was at the bedside. James, however, was stark 
mad not to have sent for Princess Anne. Whether 
William believed the warming-pan story or not, it was 
obviously his cue to pretend to believe it. Mary seems 
at first really to have believed it ; reasonable people 
gradually abandoned the belief. Anne, who had for 
months been suspicious as to the reality of the Queen's 
pregnancy, writes : — " It may be our brother, but only 
God knows ; St. James' Palace is just the place to 
play a trick in — for one who believes, a thousand dis- 
believe ; for me, I disbelieve." Mary told Anne that 
her absence from town had been ' an irreparable fault.' 
There was a bonfire for the Prince in Magdalen, now a 
Papist seminary, but nowhere else in once loyal Oxford ; 
on the night of the Bishops' acquittal England had 
blazed with bonfires. 

And on that night was despatched to the Hague, in 
the deepest secrecy, a letter to William, saying, " Come. 
Come swiftly before he calls his sham Parliament. Come 
as the husband of the heiress of Great Britain. Demand 
a free Parliament and security for Protestantism." It 
was signed by Lords Danby, Shrewsbury, Devonshire 
and Lumley, by Bishop Compton, by Edward Russell 
and Henry Sidney. Halifax and Nottingham, too 
cautious to sign, knew of it and, whether approving or 
not, at least did not betray it. 

Obviously now ' security for Protestantism ' would 
mean something more than security for the Anglican 


Church. The wrongs of that Church alone gave men 
courage to summon the Prince of Orange ; but the 
Presbyterians would have to be considered in the 
settlement. Halifax had reassured them on this point, 
although anonymously. Even Sancroft, the highest of 
High Churchmen, was willing to give them a good 
measure of toleration. William, then, would be the 
champion of a combination similar to that which had 
brought back King Charles in 1660. From the date of 
this letter William's cause gained ground steadily, and 
the Dutch Estates began to postpone their jealousies 
and fears. Diplomacy was successful with the Princes 
of North Germany. The old Elector of Brandenburg, 
who remembered the Thirty Years' War, died in August, 
muttering as his last words, ' Amsterdam — London ' ; 
and his son at once sent to William's service old Marshal 
Schomberg, now a Protestant exile from France and 
reputed the first soldier in Europe. The Landgraf of 
Hesse promised to defend Holland if she were attacked 
in William's absence. The Hanover rats, who were 
ultimately to profit by it all, held off till the last 
minute, but even they joined the Protestant cause at 
last. All seemed to depend on what Louis XIV. would 
do with his fine Army, then massing in his Eastern 
provinces. Had he taken the advice of his great 
Minister, Louvois, he would have struck at Holland at 
once and so paralysed William ; but he was extremely 
sore with James for refusing an open offensive alliance, 
and he perhaps remembered the events of 1672, when 
his soldiers had had to wade home. Therefore, in 
September, he suddenly struck at the middle Rhine 
and laid siege to Philipsburg. This banished the last 
hesitation of the Dutch Estates, which now allowed 


William to go with their blessing, forty ships-of-war and 
14,000 men. Yet this force would be too small for a 
serious fight with the British Army and Navy. Could 
James rely on either ? 

Since '84 the Navy Board had disposed of £400,000 a 
year and done its work well. There were 105 ships-of- 
war, nine of which were ' first-rates.' The Britannia, 
of 1,715 tons and 100 guns, was the finest ship afloat. 
Admiral Lord Dartmouth, if not a great sailor, was 
devotedly loyal, and James in middle life had been 
thoroughly popular with the Service. But many of 
Dartmouth's captains were in the Orange interest, and 
the main deck and lower deck were Protestant to their 
last plank. As for the Army, it was commanded by a 
foreigner who had been created Lord Feversham, and 
Lord Churchill, its real working head, though profuse 
in lip-loyalty, would sell everything, except his Protest- 
antism, for his own advancement. There was great 
discontent in the ranks on account of the frequent 
drafting in of Irish Papists. Still, if James, hitherto 
distinctly a warrior, could have put himself at the head 
of either Service, one does not see how either could have 
refused to fight. Old Ormond, the last of the Cavaliers, 
had just shut his eyes on the scene, cetat. 79. 

The descent was naturally expected on the East coast, 
and Dartmouth's Fleet was gathering in the mouth of 
the River, when, at the end of September, Sunderland, 
either treacherously or in fear for his head, persuaded 
James to a complete reversal of his home policy. To 
the astonishment of the world, a proclamation suddenly 
appeared, excluding Catholics from the coming Parlia- 
ment. This was rapidly followed by the abolition of 
the Ecclesiastical Commission, the restoration of charters 


to towns as before the late changes, the restoration of 
Compton to his See and of the Fellows of Magdalen to 
their College. Writs were prepared for a real and a 
free Parliament. But, about the same time, copies of 
William's Declaration began to find their way to England, 
and the ' concessions ' had come too late. The De- 
claration ignored the Prince of Wales ; William was 
coming, ' as the husband of the heiress, to demand secu- 
rity for the Protestant religion and a free Parliament.' 
A terrible month of anxiety passed, and the wind blew 
hard from the West ; James had a new weathercock 
fixed on Whitehall and watched it all day. " If only it 
will keep like this," he wrote to cousin Sophia in Hanover, 
" I hope to be in a good condition to receive William " 
(September 28). Again one compares instinctively 
another wind-bound soldier called William, waiting in an 
earlier September to spring upon an equally distracted 
England. At the end of October James' purpose and 
the winds of heaven again veered round. The King 
dismissed Sunderland, promised Louis his alliance, and 
put off issuing his parliamentary writs ; he sent for 
the Bishops and demanded that they should denounce 
William's proclamation, but they said they must first 
consult the lay Peers, and told their master some 
unpleasing truths. Suddenly, on November 1st, an 
Easterly gale sprang up and carried the Dutch Fleet, 
piloted by one Mr. Benbow, who began life as a butcher- 
boy and ended it as an Admiral, past Lord Dartmouth's 
scouts and down Channel ; and at William's peak 
fluttered the ancient motto of his house, ' Je Main- 
tiendrai.' Just in time to prevent him from being 
swept past the Start came a lull, and he dropped 
anchor at Brixham in Torbay — on a good Protestant 


day, November 5th ; and then the faithful wind roared 
again from the West and drove Lord Dartmouth, who 
had pursued, back into the Downs. 

' The little Porpus,' 18 guns, was run ashore to 
secure the landing of Mackay's six regiments of Scots- 
Dutch in case of opposition. But opposition there 
was none, and the rest of the Army followed. ' Our 
foot and dragoons,' says my Dutch friend, ' ran up 
the mountains and cliffs, which are horribly high, like 
cats, . . . and every one shouted, " God bles jou " ; ' 
people even kneeled in the water to kiss William's hand. 
A poor priest at a Catholic house hard by had mistaken 
us for a French fleet and ordered a Te Deum and a grand 
spread of food ; but ' instead of " Votre serviteur, 
Monsieur," he was greeted with, " Yaw, Mynheer, can 
you Dutch spraken ? " on which they all ran away and 
we had a feast that had been prepared for others.' 

William advanced cautiously to Exeter, and Dr. 
Burnet, the historian, preached to him in the Cathedral 
on Psalm cvii. The cannons and ammunition were sent 
round to the Exe and landed at Topsham. People came 
in slowly, but all stared in admiration at his fine troops, 
Dutch, Nassauers and Swedes among them. But His 
Highness was careful to put in the hands of British 
soldiers all places where there might be a collision 
with James' forces ; he was anxious to avoid the appear- 
ance of subduing England by foreigners. Sir Edward 
Seymour, the leading Tory of the West, proposed an 
' Association for Defending the Protestant Religion and 
the Prince of Orange,' and the ball began to roll. The 
Prince's route was Ottery, Axminster, Crewkerne, Sher- 
borne, Wincanton. On the 19th James, who had just 
seen his little son shortcoated, joined his Army at Salis- 


bury : but, when Churchill urged him to go further to 
the front, he was seized with a violent bleeding of the 
nose which would not stop. On the 23rd, on which 
day the sceptre fell from the hand of Bloody Mary's 
statue at the Royal Exchange, he decided to retreat to 
London. Then the debacle began, Churchill's own 
defection giving the example. Every one hastened to 
greet His Highness as the Deliverer of England. Dela- 
mere raised Cheshire, Danby raised York, Nottingham- 
shire and what the Dutch historian terms ' Darkyshire ' ; 
the Princess Anne fled from London towards Danby. 
Papists were everywhere disarmed or imprisoned. The 
London mob rose and sacked Papist chapels and houses. 
James, when back in London, finding he couldn't sleep 
without taking opium, called a Council of Peers and 
Bishops, which simply advised him to treat with William. 
He consented, though only in order to give time for the 
escape of the Queen and Prince to France. He chose, 
as emissaries to his rival's camp, Halifax, Nottingham 
and Godolphin, and the first of these was already going 
over to the Orange interest ; Lord Clarendon would 
have been a better choice, for his solution was the 
Regency of William, and the recognition of the Prince 
of Wales as heir. 

The Commissioners met William at Hungerford, and 
the latter sensibly proposed an immediate Parliament 
to sit in a neutral zone between the two Armies ; he also 
asked for the principal fortresses to be put into trusty 
Protestant hands. But Halifax gathered that William 
would be glad if some one could frighten James into 
flight ; and flight was just then the one thing that 
appealed to that once warlike person. On December nth, 
when William, without further treating, had advanced 


almost to the gates of London, James fled from Whitehall 
by night, and threw l the Great Seal into the River at 
Vauxhall, thus comforting himself with the thought of 
leaving anarchy behind him. But unfortunately he was 
recognized, roughly handled and arrested at Feversham, 
and William was obliged to send some guards to protect 
his person. He actually returned to London for one 
day ; but, ' not thinking it convenient to expose himself 
to be secured,' as he put it, and finding Whitehall almost 
a desert, and every one gone to his rival's Court, he 
allowed himself to be escorted by boat to Rochester, 
whence he fled, this time successfully, to France. 
Louis received him with most magnanimous kindness, 
and gave him the beautiful palace of St. Germains 
to live in. The French courtiers found Mary Beatrice 
charming and queenly, but thought James intolerable. 
After the failure of his attempt on Ireland in 1689-90, 
which is narrated in a later chapter, and after the 
failure of at least one attempt to assassinate William, 
James took to devotion ; he wrote pious treatises ; he 
went, like a modern Puseyite, into ' retreats,' died in 
sackcloth in 1701, and had miracles performed at his 

If his nose had not bled at Salisbury. . . . ? 

1 Or perhaps ■ accidentally dropped.' He may have in- 
tended to take the Seal with him. In either case the result 
would be the same. There can be no Government without a 
Great Seal. 


With the second flight of James on December 23rd, the 
first stage in the ' Glorious Revolution ' was over ; there 
was a blank parchment, on which could be drawn a new 
title, a new charter, perhaps a new form of government. 
But drawn by whom, and in what letters ? On the nth 
those Peers who were in London had held a meeting and 
had called out the Trained Bands to keep order, but they 
had not invited William to London. He, however, on 
the 1 8th, had come uninvited and had taken up his 
quarters at St. James' ; while there he had been much 
pressed to have himself proclaimed King, as if by con- 
quest, and had rejected the suggestion. But he had 
assumed command of all the English Army as well as 
of his own, and had disposed of the most trustworthy 
regiments in garrisons round the capital. On the 23rd 
(the day of the second flight) he called a meeting of 
the Peers, and added to them all members of any of 
Charles II. 's Parliaments who happened to be in London, 
plus the Lord Mayor, Aldermen and fifty Common 
Council-men of the City ; this body entrusted him with 
the civil and financial administration, and with the duty 
of calling a ' Convention.' 

The elections to this Convention took a month, and 
when it met on January 22nd, Halifax was elected 



Speaker of the Lords, and an old Exclusionist Speaker 
of the Commons. That obviously meant that the 
majority of the Lower House was Whig, although that 
of the Upper House, which now numbered 150 persons, 
was on the whole moderate Tory. Both Houses at once 
confirmed William's temporary authority, and then fell 
to the discussion of the questions, " Is there a King, 
and if so who is he ? If there isn't, who shall he be ? " 
The Nation, outside Parliament, was in a terrible 
ferment ; the only thing upon which it was united was 
its old and entire detestation of Popery, and nine-tenths 
of the booksellers' advertisements of the year are con- 
cerned with tracts against, or skits upon the Romish 
Church. Dread of France was perhaps the next greatest 
passion. ' A Gentleman of Cheshire, lately arrived out 
of Ireland,' put the matter in a nutshell when he wrote 
a pamphlet entitled, ' K. William or K. Lewis, wherein 
is set forth the absolute necessity these nations lie 
under, of submitting wholly to one or other of these 
Kings ; and that the matter of controversy is not now 
between K. William and K. James.' 

In the Convention, however, there seemed at first to 
be great difficulties in finding any possible solution. To 
some of the highest Tories, notably to the always honour- 
able Earl of Nottingham, the best solution seemed to 
be to elect William as Regent for King James, to whom 
the nominal title might be left ; and, in the Lords, this 
proposal was only defeated by two votes. On the 
whole both Houses could just manage to agree that 
' the late King James, having, by the advice of Jesuits 
and other wicked persons, withdrawn himself from the 
realm, hath abdicated the throne ' ; but the Lords 
made a fierce fight before they would pass the next 


clause, ' that the throne is thereby vacant.' Danby, 
always attached to the person of Mary, and leader 
of the moderate Tories, said the throne could not 
be ' vacant ' ; Mary, he said, had succeeded at the 
moment, whatever that was, of her father's abdication ; 
was in fact Queen. This idea was to William even 
worse than that of a Regency ; he would not be his 
wife's ' gentleman usher.' The Whigs of course were 
for William, and for a very strictly limited William — 
a Whig puppet-King. Finally Halifax suggested the 
curious compromise ' and that our Sovereign Lord and 
Lady, William and Mary, are and are declared to be King 
and Queen ' ; the administration of the Sovereignty to 
rest in William. Observe the wiliness of the words ; we 
do not elect these persons ; they are : we now merely 
' declare them to be ' ; at what moment they began to 
reign we do not specify. 

Several subordinate clauses are annexed to the vote, 
e.g. ' that it is inconsistent with the welfare of a Pro- 
testant state to be governed by a Popish prince ' ; that 
James had ' broken the Original Contract between King 
and people ' (whatever that figment of the imagination 
might be). And, before we tender the crown to these 
persons, we get them to agree to a document of 
great importance, in which some would see a sort of 
new Charter, others just an epitome of Stuart mis- 
government, called the ' Declaration of Right,' which 
in October, after we have voted ourselves to be a 
Parliament, we turn into the ' Bill of Rights.' In this 
document, together with the old declaration against 
the levying of money without consent of Parliament, 
with denunciation of ' illegal and pernicious ' Courts 
such as the Ecclesiastical Commission, with confirmation 


of privileges such as freedom of speech in Parliament 
and the right of petitioning, we find it enacted ' that 
the maintenance of a Standing Army in time of peace 
without consent of Parliament is against law ' ; that 
the Dispensing power ' as it hath been exercised of 
late ' is illegal ; and that ' Parliament ought to be held 
frequently.' The semi-triumphant Whigs would fain 
have gone further, and taken away the King's right of 
pardon in impeachments, his power over the Judges, 
and his right of summoning and dissolving Parliament. 
But William would have fought hard against these 
limitations of prerogative, and for the moment William 
was as necessary to them as they to him. 

On March 17th King James' coaches were drawn 
into Hyde Park and there sold by auction. And so 
the Revolution was finished ; Whiggish, and therefore 
of course ' glorious.' In time it came to wear in the 
eyes of Whigs (who have written most of our histories) 
an almost sacred character ; yet to me it is a deity 
somewhat difficult to grovel before, and mainly for 
one reason — it led to the introduction of foreign 
Kings, who, to use a phrase of Machiavelli's, ' bound us 
to the fortune and arms of others.' James II. was as 
impossible as you like — I toss him to every wolf in 
Whigdom to worry ; if Mary had had a child, if one of 
Anne's children had lived, I would never have been a 
Jacobite. But when the alternative came to be an 
unspeakable boor, who had no interests but German, 
when James III. grew up into a simple, pious, valiant 
young man of stainless honour, and of a Catholicism 
infinitely broader and more tolerant than his father's, 
when he was willing to sacrifice everything except his 
private religion to the wishes of the English people, 


I for one would have voted for my legitimate and 
native King. 

This alternative, however, was in the future, though, 
as early as April 23rd, '89, William wrote to Sophia, 
" according to appearances, one of your sons will reign 
here one day." Parliament now merely found it necessary 
to settle the succession, after the joint lives and the life 
of the survivor of the reigning Sovereigns, (1) on Mary 
and her heirs, (2) on Anne and her heirs, (3) on William's l 
heirs by any other wife. And Anne actually had a son, 
the Duke of Gloucester, who lived to be nearly eleven, 
and who was being educated by John Churchill, after- 
wards Duke of Marlborough, when he died of smallpox 
in 1700. 

When this settlement of 1689 was complete, a new 
oath of allegiance had to be imposed, and it was the 
refusal of many pious clergymen, including Sancroft and 
four more of the famous Seven Bishops, to take that 
oath, that founded the schism of the ' Non-Jurors.' These 
men remained at heart Jacobites, but seldom active 
Jacobites ; they had, of course, to resign their sees and 
benefices, but were not otherwise persecuted : they 
continued to ordain and consecrate in a little Church 
of their own — often comprising men of great learning 
and of most devout lives — until the threshold of the Nine- 
teenth Century. 

The settlement was finished early in February, and 
Mary was summoned in haste from Holland. She has 
told us all her feelings in that most pathetic and beautiful, 
but little read book, her own Memoirs ; and the con- 
clusion with which that book leaves us is, that, if Rupert 

1 Do not forget that William was the grandson of Charles I., 
whereas Sophia was only the granddaughter of James I. 
VOL. Ill 6 


was the flower of the Stuart race in action, Mary was 
its flower in piety and contemplation. She was born in 
'62 and was thus twenty-six at the crisis of her life ; 
she had been married at fifteen and a half to a man who 
never loved her till he lost her, but whose Dutch people 
learned to love her very dearly indeed. In her, Puritanism 
wears its tenderest and most attractive aspect, and is 
wholly devoid of intolerance ; it is her own and not her 
neighbour's sins which she for ever laments : the being 
compelled to dethrone her father is a thing which she 
feels God cannot forgive her, and yet her wifely duty to 
her unfeeling husband is always paramount ; even when 
she comes to believe that her father is plotting against 
her husband's life, the sense of her own guilt remains. 
As for the subsequent unkindness of sister Anne, she 
looks on it ' as a punishment upon her and me for the 
irregularity committed by us at the Revolution ; my 
husband did his duty and the Nation did theirs, but, 
as to our persons, it is not as it ought to be.' Her 
anguish lest her father and husband should meet in 
battle in Ireland, in 1690, is truly touching. In her own 
country, when she returns to it, she feels herself a perfect 
stranger, ' censured by all, commended by none : 'tis 
hard for flesh and blood to bear neglect, especially coming 
from a place [Holland] where I was valued too much.' 
The English people, after the simple Dutch, seem to her 
utterly irreligious, ' a noisy world full of vanity ' ; she 
hates the Court ladies, who ' come in crowds to see me, 
believing I have nothing better to do than to chat with 
them.' When William went abroad, each year from 
'90 till '93, he left her Regent, and, though she always 
protests that she knows nothing of ' bussiness,' she hits 
off to the letter the characters of all with whom she has 


to act : ' Danby, to whom I must ever owe great obliga- 
tions, yet of a temper I can never like ' ; Anne, ' seeking 
to make herself a party, finding fault with everything, 
affecting to laugh at afternoon sermons and to do in 
little things contrary to what I do ' ; Lord Monmouth 
(afterwards the famous Peterborough), ' mad, and his 
wife who is mader governs him ' ; ' Devonshire too lazy 
to give himself the trouble of bussiness ' ; ' Lord Tor- 
rington, who lay drinking and treating his friends till 
the French came upon the coast and had like to have 
surprized him ' ; 'I will say nothing of my Lord of 
Marlborough, because 'tis he of whom I could say most, 
and who can never deserve either trust or esteem.' 
Once, both Danby and William asked her what she 
would do if the City rose against her during her Regency, 
1 which they both thought likely to happen. ... I said 
I couldn't tell how much frightened I should be, but I 
would promise not to be governed by my own or others' 
fears, but would follow the advice of those whom I 
believed had most courage and judgement ; and, let 
what will happen, I would never go from Whitehall.' 
Then the dear woman goes on to say, ' I am by nature 
extreme fearful ' ; whereas the truth is she didn't know 
what fear was, because she trusted in God. William 
praised her first three years of Regency, but scolded her 
for mistakes in '93, for which we can hardly forgive him, 
though she did. William had at least the sense to leave 
the Church patronage to his devout wife, and the ex- 
cellency of her Church appointments has never been 
questioned ; in these she was guided by the saintly 
Tillotson, who succeeded Sancroft at Canterbury. 

Such was the woman v/ho came up the river ' in five 
hours from Margate to Whitehall ' (she must have had a 


good tide) on February 12th, '89, to receive on the next 
day, together with her husband, a crown to the wearing 
of which nothing could reconcile her. She found William 
' grown extreme lean.' 

Of the King's own character it is very much more 
difficult to speak ; we may be sure that he was above 
all vulgar ' ambition to be a King,' though he knew that 
only as King could he fulfil his life's task of humbling 
Louis XIV. But, being King, I think he would let no 
scruples stand in the way of the fulfilment of that task. 
If he was merciful to his enemies, he was, with one or 
two exceptions, ungrateful to his friends. Men — almost 
all men — were to him tools to be used on the diplomatic 
and military chessboard ; their motives he invariably 
rated low. His private morals were better, though not 
very much better than those of contemporary sovereigns ; 
and it is certainly hard to forgive him his infidelity to 
Mary. He was in constant ill-health, even at Hampton 
Court, and was always complaining of the London 
climate, though it is difficult to believe that damp and 
foggy Holland could have suited him much better ; 
anyhow, either for this reason or for the sake of privacy, 
he purchased and added to Kensington House, * the 
little house in the wood, copied from a villa at the 
Hague,' Mary calls it. 

Intellectually, I am inclined to rate William high, 
though not very high ; he was an admirable linguist, 
though he had no interest in art or letters. He had 
sound notions of the importance of Sea power, for he 
realized how vital to English interests it was to show 
a Fleet in the Mediterranean ; it was against Admiral 
Russell's will that the King compelled his Fleet to winter 
in Cadiz and to chase the Frenchman Tourville into 


Toulon. As a soldier William failed conspicuously to 
grasp details, and had no coup d'ceil for the possibilities 
of a battle-field ; he made some dreadful mistakes, and 
expected his men to redress them against overwhelming 
odds. But in this resistance to odds he always set the 
example ; the first to charge and the last to retreat. 
If he was capable of grand strokes of strategy, of 
forced marches and well-planned surprises, either ill- 
luck or his impatience l in execution often robbed him 
of their fruit. Mr. Fortescue hits him off well when 
he calls him ' a brilliant amateur general.' As a 
diplomatist he was more successful ; he could build 
and keep together European coalitions, mainly it is true, 
because he could pour the gold of England into the lap 
of foreign princes. That he could not manage the 
English Parliament is not much to his discredit ; for 
his reign was one long struggle of hostile factions, each 
seeking to humiliate him and to use him as a weapon 
against its rival. But, as in military matters, so in 
civil, he failed from his want of grasp of detail, from his 
want of sympathy, from his cold temper, which, it is 
to be feared, was only the manifestation of an essentially 
self-centred heart. Finally, as all his interest lay in 
foreign policy, we must give him enormous credit for 
what he planned and prepared ; for on him fell the 
whole weight of organizing European resistance to the 
French Monarchy at the height of its power, and 
the blows he dealt at that Monarchy were so severe 
that it needed only a happier genius to perfect the 
work which he had begun. In this respect he reminds 

1 It is curious that a man so infinitely patient in politics and 
diplomacy should have failed so often on the battle-field owing 
to impatience. 


us of William Pitt, who, dying even younger than King 
William, and in an even darker hour, had paved the 
way for Castlereagh and Wellington, even as William 
paved the way for 

Jack of Marlborough 

Who licked the Frenchmen thorough and thorough. 

The parliamentary details of the reign are sordid to 
the last degree. Both Whigs and Tories early learned 
that William only cared for England as paymaster of 
the Coalition against France, and so they didn't care how 
they treated him : " There is a kind of affectation," says 
Mary, in '93, " to do all that is insolent to the King 
without fear of punishment : he is obliged to keep those 
in his service who least deserve it, and who, he may 
be sure, will not really serve him." Almost without 
exception leading statesmen, even Danby, yea even 
Halifax, entered into private communication with the 
exile James, in order to secure their heads and fortunes 
in case William's tottering throne should fall again. 
Political morality simply ceased to exist, and Govern- 
ment majorities, if kept together at all, were only kept 
by heavy bribery. The jealousy, the vindictiveness, the 
spite displayed by both parties were horrible, and, as a 
result, the disrepute they brought to the English name, 
and the mischief they wrought to the patriotic and 
military spirit of Englishmen, are incalculable. A 
tradition of ' opposition ' was then founded, the baleful 
results of which were constantly manifest throughout 
the Eighteenth Century, and which, in our own days, 
has settled down into the continual gangrene which is 
eating away the life of Great Britain. 

Some good laws were indeed passed in the reign of 


William ; the Toleration Act of 1690 was a necessary 
consequence of the help given by the moderate Dis- 
senters, e.g. the Presbyterians, to the Church against 
King James ; it allowed liberty of worship to those who 
would accept Thirty-five and a half out of the Thirty-nine 
Articles ; but a plan for ' Comprehension ' of such Dis- 
senters within the Church failed in spite of the efforts of 
the King in its favour ; ' don't touch the Church ' became 
a popular cry. Another excellent page of the Statute 
Book was the new Treason Act of 1696, allowing to the 
accused counsel in matters of fact as well as in matters 
of law. But other ' reforms/ some of which have sub- 
sequently proved beneficial, were mostly introduced to 
spite King William. Such was the ' Triennial Act/ 
passed at the end of '94, after the King had once imposed 
his veto ; there was now to be a new Parliament every 
three years, and the Act remained in force until the 
Septennial Act of George I. Again the ' Place Bill/ 
finally enacted in a milder form in 1706, was intro- 
duced year after year in William's Parliaments, simply 
in order to embarrass the Crown, by keeping Ministers 
out of both Houses. The settlement of the Revenue 
had a similar object ; and this is a matter of such 
importance that we must devote to it a word or two of 
special examination, and then perhaps dismiss it for 

We must distinguish carefully between the power of 
the Crown to collect taxes, and its power to spend 
them when collected. And, under the first head, it is 
clear that the Crown had never, since Edward I.'s reign, 
either in theory or practice, been free of some sort of 
parliamentary control as to what money it could make 
its subjects pay. It had, however, certain sources of 


income such as the Crown lands, the sale of licenses 
for wine shops, etc., which, whether usurped or not, 
were exempt from parliamentary control : and these 
formed the nucleus of what was now called the 
' hereditary revenue/ Parliament had usually added 
to this a ' life revenue ' from Customs, and, since 1660, 
from the Excise. But for the last three centuries, addi- 
tional taxes had always been needed, and these could 
only be raised by parliamentary votes, and usually 
from year to year. James II. had once been offered a 
revenue of over a million and a half : William's first 
Parliament cut this down to £1,200,000 and granted it 
for only one year ; then, after various experiments, the 
plan was adopted of making a definite separation of the 
whole revenue into two heads. Using the old hereditary 
revenue as the nucleus, the Houses added to it, from 
the Excise, such sums as would produce £700,000 a year ; 
and out of this, which it called the ' Civil List/ it said 
the Crown must pay all its ' civil ' expenses ; i.e. all 
charges other than those for soldiers and sailors. Far 
too heavy charges at first lay upon this list, e.g. the 
salaries of Judges and Ambassadors, and innumerable 
pensions ; each King from William III. to George III. 
left heavy debts, and the Civil List had to be several 
times increased. But, in the Nineteenth Century, all 
expenses of government were one by one removed from 
this list, and our present King has a life grant of half 
a million, out of which he has only to eat, drink and be 
merry and charitable. 

All the rest, from whatever source derived, Parliament 
came to regard as a National, not a Royal income, and 
kept an absolute control over it ; voted it from year to 
year only, and insisted on knowing how it was spent. 


Therefore, if the Crown wanted an Army or a Navy, it 
must call a Parliament each year. It was one of those 
happy expedients into which Englishmen so often tumble, 
without foreseeing their consequences ; and it seems to 
have orginated in a malicious and factious desire to tie 
William's hands. 

As to the expenditure, down to 1688, in theory, the 
whole revenue, however granted, had been the King's 
to play with as it pleased him ; in practice, however, 
mediaeval Parliaments had often interfered with the 
royal expenditure. Two Acts of Charles II. may be 
regarded as the real origin of a modern ' Budget ' : and 
the result of a Budget now is that Parliament allots, 
either annually or permanently, each particular portion 
of the revenue to a particular object of expenditure. 
The King, through his ' Chancellor of the Exchequer,' 
says every spring, ' I estimate the revenue of the coming 
twelve months at so much ; I shall want so much money 
for the Army, so much for the Navy, so much for this, 
that and the other purpose ' ; and if the House of 
Commons (now unfortunately a body incompetent to 
deal with such matters) thinks he asks for too much, 
it cuts down the amount in the ' Appropriation Act,' 
which is passed at the end of the session. The Treasury is 
forbidden to pay out any money, except for the object 
to which Parliament has appropriated it, while an official 
called the ' Auditor and Controller-General ' keeps a sharp 
eye on the whole business. Mr. Gladstone once told the 
present writer that the accounts of the nation could now 
be intelligibly written on half a sheet of notepaper. 

This, however, was only gradually arrived at, but it 
was towards the end of William's reign that something 
of this kind began. It was in many respects an un- 


lucky reign for new financial experiments : the Heavens, 
as well as the Whigs and Tories, fought against the 
cold, patient, iron man who sat on the throne ; there 
was a series of disastrously cold and wet seasons, be- 
ginning with the frightful Christmas Day of '89, on 
which half a dozen ships of the Royal Navy were wrecked 
in Plymouth harbour alone, and ending with the hurricane 
of November, 1703, which demolished church steeples 
by the dozen and strewed all our coasts with drowned 
sailors. The Puritans had put fire and plague down 
to the wickedness of the Stuarts ; no wonder the Jacob- 
ites began in their turn to speak of the ' Causes of 
God's Wrath.' Private as well as public morality was 
at a low ebb ; there was a rage for speculation, and no 
investments were very safe. Highwaymen abounded : 
week after week the post was robbed by masked men 
at Kingsland, or Whetstone or Hounslow ; smuggling 
was an affair of enormous profit, if also of great risk. 
Further, a great economic change was crippling the 
revenue ; Parliament was becoming much more fiercely 
protectionist, and was using the Customs duties no 
longer to produce cash, but to exclude all foreign goods 
except the raw material of English industries. ' Wars of 
tariffs ' had begun ; when we go to war with France, we 
clap on a 50 per cent, duty against all French silks, 
wines, brandies, etc., with the result that the total 
income from Customs falls almost one-half, and then 
leaps up again at the Peace, when these duties will 
probably be lowered. Another most serious make- 
weight was the condition of the Coinage, which was 
clipped and worn to an astounding degree : in the 
year '96 all the silver of the country had to be called 
in and recoined, at an expense to the Government of 


£1,200,000 ; and of course there were anxious months 
before the new stuff could be turned out of the mint. 
Finally it was a period of long and costly war and of 
heavy subsidies to Allies. Five millions a year is not 
an uncommon war-budget, between 1690-7 ; and this 
is more than double anything previously known. 

So new sources of income have to be found : window 
taxes — a stuffy expedient ; taxes on hawkers and on 
coaches ; taxes on existence, called poll taxes (we have 
heard of them in Wat Tyler's time) ; taxes on birth, 
burial and marriage ; and, lest you should escape the 
last, on bachelorhood ; excises on salt and malt and 
coal, in addition to those on beer and other malt-liquors ; 
most important of all, a 'land tax/ at rates varying from 
one-fifth to one-twentieth of your rent and of your income 
generally. It was found impossible to make people pay 
at anything like these rates ; at the very most the land 
tax produced, when levied at the highest rate, only two 
millions a year. Failing even by these stringent means 
to balance its books, Government had to make unborn 
generations pay for its wars ; in other words, it had to 
borrow money at high interest, at first at 12, soon at 
8 per cent. ; and the annual interest of this National 
Debt was, at the death of William, already over a 
million : now, although the rate of that interest has 
been gradually reduced from 12 to 2 -J per cent., it is 
over twenty millions a year. It is, of course, easy to 
see the arguments against such a system, especially the 
temptation which it offers to extravagant Governments 
to throw the burden of their extravagance on posterity. 
Far into the Nineteenth Century philosopher after philo- 
sopher denounced the Debt : ' it must one day come to 
the sponge,' was the favourite cry ; and it is conceivable 


that a Government may one day exist, so wicked and 
so dependent upon the votes of persons who have 
neither savings nor industry, that it will use the sponge 
and wipe off the slate the seven hundred millions which 
Great Britain now owes. But, until that day, it is 
obvious that a Debt, largely owed in small sums to 
persons of very moderate fortune among her own sub- 
jects, is an actual guarantee for her stability and even 
for honest financial administration. The ease with 
which the ' shares ' in this Debt can be bought and sold 
encourages people to save, and to invest their savings ; 
so great is the confidence in the solvency of the Nation, 
that the ' state of the Funds ' (i.e. whether these shares 
are selling high or low) is the surest index of prosperity, 
the pulse by feeling which men will most surely 
learn whether to expect peace or war. At the Peace 
of Ryswick, 1697, ' the Funds,' perhaps for the first 
time, ' rose rapidly.' Moreover in many cases it is fair 
to throw part of the great burden of wars on posterity ; 
two-thirds of our present debt was incurred in fighting 
the French Revolution and Napoleon ; and, if we had 
ceased to fight them, where would Great Britain 
be now ? 

The broker in the first regular establishment of this 
Debt was an interesting society of rich merchants in 
London, who in the year 1694 were formed into the 
' Governor and Company of the Bank of England,' 
and who got, in return for a large loan, the privilege 
of issuing paper notes, each representing a promise to 
pay, on presentation at their counter, a certain sum in 
cash. The idea was originated by William Paterson, 
a Scot, whom we shall meet later engaged in other 
financial schemes, Gradually ' the Bank ' became the 


centre of the British money market, and the broker of 
all loans to Government, the keeper of its cash-box 
and the guardian of its credit : and ' bank notes ' 
became an integral part of the currency of the country. 
The ' Old Lady of Threadneedle Street ' (see Leech's 
cartoons in Punch) has often found herself constricted, 
when ' money is tight ' ; has been subject to ' panics ' ; 
has had ' runs ' on her, when every one has hastened 
to present their notes and change them, quick ! quick ! 
for hard cash ; once (1745) her clerks were obliged to 
pay in sixpences ; once, 1797-1822, Parliament actually 
authorized her to refuse to change them on demand ; 
but even then they continued to circulate, and were 
depreciated only some 13 per cent. 1 

One other Act of the reign deserves special notice 
from its prospective importance. In 1689 one of the 
regiments of James' old Army, being ordered to Holland, 
mutinied at Ipswich, and, as there was no legal power 
of controlling soldiers by martial law, except at the 
seat of war, Parliament passed a temporary Act giving 
the Crown such power against ' any person collected 
into a troop for pay,' i.e. any soldier during the period 
for which he has enlisted. The Act was renewed at 
intervals during William's reign, and eventually became 
the annual ' Mutiny Act,' and added another weapon 
against despotism to the armoury of the Parliament ; 
for, if Parliament should refuse to pass the Mutiny Act, 
the Crown couldn't legally control its soldiers, just as, 
if Parliament refused to pass the Appropriation Act, it 

1 In 181 1 the hundred-pound bank note would only change for 
eighty-seven pounds ; but it was believed by the Directors of 
the Bank that this was due to the high price of gold, which was 
up to £4 tos. per ounce. 


couldn't pay them. But he who enlists as a soldier 
does not thereby cease to be amenable to the Civil 
Courts also ; his enlistment is still a civil contract, and 
he is very apt to find himself in an awkward place 
if his commanding officer tells him to do something 
which the Common Law thinks he ought not to do ; 
e.g., he is called out to suppress a riot : his colonel 
says, ' shoot ' ; if he shoots not, he is shot for dis- 
obedience under the Mutiny Act ; if he shoots, he may 
possibly be hanged for murder under the Common Law. 
Nothing appears to have provoked our ancestors so 
much as the sight of a red coat : no terms were too 
bad for Tories and Whigs alike to use in denouncing 
a Standing Army ; and, as we have seen, the Bill of 
Rights actually declares it to be ' against law.' It was 
' an engine of despotism,' ' a badge of slavery ' — the 
Tories remembered Oliver's veterans ; the Whigs knew 
what James II. had intended to do with his camp at 
Hounslow. Both parties cried up the Militia — which 
had run away from Monmouth's half-armed peasantry — 
as the only ' constitutional force ' — a pretty force indeed 
to oppose to the Army of Louis XIV., should he land 
but a hundredth part of his 150,000 regulars ; they 
cried up the Fleet, which had let Dutch William sail 
past it into Torbay. Hatred of Dutchmen and of their 
all-too-necessary Dutch King, blended with these cries; 
and William, who felt before all things as a soldier, 
drained the last drop in his cup of bitterness when in 
1699 Parliament dismissed the gallant fellows who had 
fought at Steinkirk and Landen, and cut down the 
forces in England l to a much begrudged 7,000 men. 

1 There were 12,000 in Ireland and 4,000 in Scotland, over 
whom, of course, the English Parliament could claim no control. 


It was, indeed, madness to do this, when every one 
knew that Louis was merely resting for another spring 

Apart from these Acts, the factions in Parliament 
were mainly occupied in crying out for heads, especially 
for those of the King's Ministers, and in prosecuting 
each other for peculation or for alleged treason. 
The Whigs were bitterly disappointed when William 
refused to execute a few dozen of the worst partisans of 
the late King, and to enforce on all men an oath ' ab- 
juring ' the Stuarts. The Tories fiercely denounced 
Dutch ' favourites,' and eventually, with some justice, 
made the King's old and faithful counsellor, William 
Bentinck, now Earl of Portland, and some others dis- 
gorge enormous grants of land which their master had 
made to them. They also denounced the Bank, the 
war taxes, the sending of a Fleet to the Mediterranean. 
Both sides denounced the soldiers who were fighting for 
us in Flanders, even while they voted large sums of 
money to enable them to fight on. All this factious 
temper offered endless facilities for Jacobite intrigue, 
and there were plots after plots ; one very bad assassina- 
tion plot in 1696 even produced a temporary popularity 
for William and a largely subscribed ' Association ' to 
defend his life and avenge his death. Mary's death at 
the end of '94 shook the throne and even shook the man, 
who felt perhaps some remorse on her account ; but he 
soon recovered and went on in his silent, grim patience. 
The death of the Duke of Gloucester in 1700 was an even 
worse blow to the throne, for it necessitated a resettle- 
ment of the succession, and a calling in of * Sophia 
Electress of Hanover and her heirs being Protestestants ' ; 
that * Act of Settlement ' we must discuss later. 


When Halifax is gone — he died childless in '95 — it 
is impossible to feel much human interest in any con- 
temporary statesman, except perhaps the honest Tory 
Nottingham and the Whig Lord Chancellor Somers, 
who was, if not a very great lawyer, a truly good, 
modest, learned and able man, the friend of Tillotson, 
of Addison, Steele, Congreve, Locke and Isaac Newton ; 
he was too good for the Parliament of the age, which, 
after vainly trying to prove him guilty of complicity 
in piracy, impeached him for allowing William the 
use of the Great Seal to set to a Treaty with France in 
1700. Charles Montagu, who was created, after the 
extinction of the Savile title, Earl of Halifax, was a 
convinced Whig and a most able financier, to whom 
much of the success of the recoinage and of the Bank 
was due ; he was a man of respectable character, but 
intolerably arrogant and conceited, and the butt of all 
Tory opposition at the end of the reign. Mary's uncles, 
Rochester and Clarendon, were in many ways respect- 
able men, but both intrigued with James, and Clarendon 
had once to be sent to the Tower. Churchill, who had 
turned the scale against James at Salisbury, and who 
ruled Princess Anne through his wife, became Earl of 
Marlborough at William's Coronation, and is believed to 
have betrayed his secrets to France ; he even had to be 
sent to the Tower on suspicion, though no one then 
knew, or perhaps even yet knows the truth about his 
treachery. William was so accustomed to treachery that 
he soon readily employed him again, and he was in high 
favour at the end of the reign. Godolphin, though he 
cared more for horse racing than for politics, was also 
treacherous, and corresponded with James to the end 
of his life ; but he was too useful at the Treasury to be 


dismissed. Sunderland, perhaps the blackest-hearted 
villain in English history, had fled abroad in disguise 
in October, '88, and enjoyed the distinction of being at 
one time exempted from pardon both by William and 
James. But he sneaked back in '91, wormed himself 
into William's confidence, and even became for a few 
years Lord Chamberlain. Edward Russell, who died 
Lord Orford, was one of the Seven Lords who had in- 
vited William to England ; he was Treasurer of the 
Navy and Admiral of the Fleet, but he turned traitor 
like the rest, and only his professional pride as a sailor 
prevented him from losing the battle of La Hogue on 
purpose. Danby became Marquis of Carmarthen and then 
Duke of Leeds ; his actual overtures to James were 
probably not very serious, but he was soon in trouble 
for receiving an enormous bribe from the East India 
Company. Truly the Ministers were an evil gang. 
William always tried to select his servants from both 
parties, but, as the House of Commons, at each triennial 
election, was alternately Tory or Whig, he was driven 
more and more to conciliate the party in power in that 
House, by choosing Ministers of that party ; and he 
was thus unconsciously feeling his way towards the 
curious principle which lies at the root of modern Cabinet 

Every summer William, with a sigh of relief, went off 
to Holland or to Flanders to diplomatize or to fight, 
leaving Mary, or after her death a committee of Peers as 
Regents behind him ; so may we, with similar feelings, 
follow him abroad to those fields where he and England 
were really great. War was declared against France in 
May, '89. There was real danger of a French descent, 
especially after James had gone to Ireland in March. 

vol. in 7 


The French Fleet was actually greater than our own ; it 
was in excellent fighting trim and ably led by Tourville, 
and the plan of combining a Mediterranean Fleet from 
Toulon with an Atlantic Fleet from Brest was already 
well understood in France. In June, '89, Tourville 
appeared in the Channel, in force far superior to the 
English and Dutch Fleets, and beat Admiral Herbert, 
now Lord Torrington, off Beachy Head. It was not a 
serious defeat, and it was partly owing to the jealousy 
of Russell, 1 who sent Torrington peremptory orders to 
fight instead of going down and leading the Fleet him- 
self. But it produced a panic in England ; Torrington 
was sacrificed to this panic, tried by court-martial, and 
never employed again. It is worthy of note that his 
old * tarry-breeks ' captains, such as Shovell (who, as 
a boy in the First Dutch War, had swum through the 
enemy's fire with despatches in his mouth) and Benbow, 
always believed in him. 

Meanwhile William was knitting up alliances abroad, 
and England joined the Grand Alliance in September. 
In this were comprised (i) Spain, now governed by the 
last of her Hapsburg Kings, a decrepit degenerate, who, 
when he wanted a new wife from Germany, had to ask 
for an English Squadron to escort her from Holland ! 
(ii) the Emperor, so busy with the Turks on his Eastern 
frontier that he was wholly dependent on the Allies 
to defend his Western ; (iii) the Elector of Brandenburg, 
expecting to be entitled ' King of Prussia ' for his pains ; 
(iv) the Duke of Savoy, expecting to be called King of 
something else, he didn't mind what, a shifty fellow 
who deserted us in 1696 ; (v) the King of Denmark, who 

1 Partly also owing to the failure of the Dutch to understand 
Torrington's really skilful tactics. 


expected and got very little except subsidies ; (vi) the 
ruler of Hanover, ready to sell his soldiers or his soul to 
the highest bidder ; he deserted in 1691, but came back 
in return for the solemn promise of an Electorate ; and 
finally (vii) Holland itself, which now definitely agreed 
to combine its Fleet with our own, always under the 
flag of an English Admiral. An overwhelming com- 
bination, you would say, especially with such a soldier- 
statesman as William to lead it ! But France faced it 
with the utmost gallantry, at once on the Alps, the 
Pyrenees, the Upper Rhine, the Netherlands and the Sea. 
And on the whole, in the field she rather more than 
held her own, but at a cost which even the ' King of 
the richest kingdom in Europe,' as Louis undoubtedly 
was, could not stand for long ; and, hard hit as England, 
the ' Paymaster,' was by taxes, before the Peace France 
was in a much worse condition. 

The years '90 and '91 were, as far as William was 
concerned, taken up with the campaign in Ireland which 
I have narrated elsewhere. In '92 France, with a good 
Jacobite conspiracy in her pocket, in which Admiral 
Russell and possibly Marlborough were deeply involved, 
sent Tourville to invade England, whose whole Army 
was then being shipped over to Flanders. Mary acted 
with swift and splendid courage, stopped the regiments 
at the ports, sent my Lord Marlborough to the Tower, 
and compelled Russell to go and fight. Russell sulkily 
obeyed, and let Shovell win the battle of La Hogue for 
him ; in force he was nearly double the French Fleet, but 
calms and a fog fought for the French, and only about 
half of our Fleet got into action at all ; even then we 
let far too many French ships escape. Shortly after- 
wards the French captured an enormous fleet of 


merchant ships, English and Dutch, bound for Smyrna. 

During the remainder of the war the Navy of France 

played no important part, though her privateersmen, 

especially the celebrated Jean Bart, preyed upon our 

commerce in the Atlantic and the Channel with fearful 

effect. No one as yet seems to have grasped the 

importance of keeping up a constant blockade of the 

French ports, and much of our naval strength in this 

reign was wasted in attempts at effecting a landing 

at some point in the Channel. In American waters 

there was seldom much peace ; and it was the age of 

the West Indian buccaneers or privateers, who preyed 

on friend and foe alike, and it was certainly the age 

of a good deal of maritime activity. One of the greatest 

of English sailors, the ex-pirate Dampier, who was also 

our first hydrographer, and, if one may coin a word, 

our first anemographer, was making great voyages to 

the Far East ; in 1699 he only just missed, owing to his 

preference for warm latitudes, anticipating by eighty 

years the discoveries of Captain Cook. However, La 

Hogue had put an end to serious danger of invasion, 

and Louis was now bending all his efforts to righting 

William in the old ' cockpit of Europe,' the Spanish 

Netherlands, which we then roughly called Flanders. 

" I wish, Dr. Slop," quoth my uncle Toby, " you had 

seen what prodigious armies we had in Flanders." 

Louis' campaigns here were intended to be mainly 
wars of sieges : it is a country of rich towns admirably 
fortified, and much cut up with great rivers ; an invader 
who knows his business can keep the defender, even if 
the latter be in superior force, trotting to and fro in a 
harassed condition by menacing different fortresses, and 
can then pounce from time to time on the most 


convenient one. William, for his part, incessantly 
manoeuvred to bring on a battle : in '91 he had failed 
to do this, and the French captured Mons. In '92 three 
French Armies appeared before the great fortress of 
Namur, at the confluence of the Sambre and Meuse. 
William, whose natural base was Brussels, and behind 
that Holland, advanced to the relief, but Marshal 
Luxemburg held all the bridges over the flooded rivers 
and Namur fell at the beginning of June. This enabled 
Luxemburg to threaten Brussels, for the relief of which 
William hastened back. As both Armies manoeuvred on 
opposite banks of the river Senne, William planned on 
July 23rd a surprise for Luxemburg, who had taken 
post near Steinkirk, and almost caught him napping ; 
in a desperate strife, in which the first French line 
broke to shivers, the Allies were ultimately defeated, 
mainly because the Dutch commander, Count Solms, 
withheld his division from supporting the attack. It 
was one of the bloodiest battles of modern times, our 
Guards and Cutts' regiment being almost annihilated. 
William, however, conducted the retreat in slow and 
admirable order, and Luxemburg's Army had been so 
much shattered that he could attempt nothing more 
that year. 

Armies in those days moved slowly, and there was 
always a long period of hibernation ; not till May, '93, 
did Luxemburg concentrate his forces again at Mons, 
to cover another French Army under Boufflers, which 
was intended to conduct the sieges. William, still 
based on Brussels, advanced to the Senne and took 
post near Hal ; there during the month of June the two 
Armies glared at each other. Early in July Luxemburg 
moved off to his right, pounced on Huy, and threatened 


Liege and Mastricht. William, whose right had been 
extended to contain the French left near Tournay, was 
obliged to hasten to his own left to save the great Meuse 
fortress. He had thus but fifty as against eighty thousand 
when he faced Luxemburg at Landen on July 29th ; 
this time it was William who was on the defensive, and 
in a badly chosen position. Yet we beat back two 
successive attacks of the flower of the French troops, 
and the French losses were not far short of our own. 
As at Steinkirk, so at Landen, the brunt of the fighting 
and all the glory of the defeat fell to the British troops ; 
and, but for William's coolness and personal valour at 
the end of the day, the whole Army would have been 
annihilated. " Gallant mortal," cried my uncle Toby, 
" this moment now that all is lost, I see him galloping 
across me [to cover the retreat over the bridge of Neer- 
specken] to bring up the remains of the English horse 
to support the right, and tear the laurel from Luxem- 
burg's brows if yet 'tis possible. I see him, with the 
knot of his scarf just shot off, infusing fresh spirits into 
poor Galway's regiment, riding along the line, then 
wheeling about and charging Conti at the head of it. 
Brave ! brave ! by Heaven ! he deserves a Crown." 

These two actions alone are enough to cover the still 
young British Army with an imperishable halo ; and 
the heroes of them were Cutts (nicknamed ' the Sala- 
mander'), Ramsay, Mackay (Dundee's old enemy, killed 
at Steinkirk), Tollemache and the Huguenot Earl of 
Galway. Luxemburg, shattered as he was, ended the 
campaign with the capture of Charleroi, which gave 
France the whole line of the river Sambre. The year 
'94 found neither side in a position for any great 
undertaking, but it was marked by a descent of an 


English force upon Brest which, being intended merely 
as a feint, was by the rashness of our General pushed 
too far, and ended in disaster and defeat. 1 William, 
1 after spitting blood for a day and a night ' to the 
horror of his wife, now so near her own unlooked-for 
end, departed, as usual, to Flanders, where the status 
quo was maintained all that year ; and, when '95 
opened, it was manifest that the tide was beginning 
to turn in favour of William and his Allies. For 
Louvois, the great organizer of French victories, had 
been dead two years, and now the fiery-hearted dwarf, 
Luxemburg, had gone too. France seemed to be almost 
on the defensive, and was laying down a long line of 
fortified entrenchments stretching from Namur to the 
sea. A greater strategist than William would have pierced 
these lines with ease ; as it was he was able, though at 
a great expenditure of men, to retake Namur in July. 
It was the last bit of fighting he was to see ; in '96 there 
was practically nothing, in '97 the Peace of Ryswick 
was signed, and the first act of the drama was over. 

The Treaty was signed in September, and by it Louis 
renounced all his annexations since 1678 with the ex- 
ception of Strasburg ; he recognized William as King of 
England and promised to aid no more Jacobite plots. 
This Peace was indeed a necessity for both sides : for 
the French, because their great rich kingdom was almost 
drained of resources ; for the Allies, because the Duke of 
Savoy had deserted them and had thereby set free a 

1 Marlborough is often accused of betraying the design to 
Louis ; it is now certain that Louis knew about it before he 
received Marlborough's information, and that Marlborough knew 
that he knew of it. William also knew this and encouraged 
Marlborough to write ! 


whole new French Army, which had been busy fighting 
his hardy Piedmont ese on the Alps. The real reason, 
however, which moved the King of France to conclude 
was the shadow of the enormous question of the succession 
to the Monarchy of Spain. Perhaps we need again to 
be reminded that this Monarchy still held the Southern 
Netherlands, the Duchy of Milan, the Kingdoms of 
Naples and Sicily, the Balearic Islands, the whole of 
Central and Southern America except Brazil and Guiana, 
the Philippine Islands in the Pacific, and the largest 
and richest of the West Indies. But I don't think we 
need trouble our heads to learn (unless for examination 
purposes) the Table of Kindred and Affinity or the 
terms of the Treaties, which seemed to give that suc- 
cession to one or another non-Spanish claimant. Only 
let us remember this ; by descent the Dauphin of France 
was through his mother the right heir of the whole 
Spanish inheritance, but Louis XIV. when marrying 
that mother had solemnly sworn not to claim it. The 
baby son of the Elector of Bavaria was the second 
best heir, and, if oaths had meant anything, he should 
have succeeded to the whole ; the astonishing thing 
is that every diplomatist in Europe did not rally to 
his claim, for he was a harmless candidate just because 
Bavaria was a comparatively powerless State. The 
third best heir was the Emperor Leopold of the House 
of Austria, who traced his descent from Philip III. of 
Spain, whereas the other two traced from Philip IV. 
But oaths or no oaths, Louis XIV. had no intention 
of ' letting go ' ; if he could not secure the whole 
Spanish inheritance, he would grab at detached 
pieces, he would ' partition ' the Spanish Monarchy. 
To this Leopold, with characteristic Austrian tenacity, 


would have nothing to say, though he was willing to 
disarm opposition by handing over the inheritance to 
his second son, Charles. 

As the life of Carlos II. flickered towards its feeble 
close, the diplomatists of Europe, and William, the 
champion of Europe, began to shudder at the very 
possible prospect of something like Universal Monarchy 
for France ; and Louis, who dreaded that Carlos might 
bequeath the whole to the Bavarian baby or, worse 
still, to the House of Austria, agreed in '98 to a 
secret Treaty with William known as the First Par- 
tition Treaty, by which the Austrians were to have 
Milan, the Dauphin to have Naples and Sicily, and the 
baby the rest. Then in February, '99, smallpox carried 
off the baby, and William, tormented almost into his 
grave and robbed, as we shall presently see, of almost 
all his fine Army by his factious Parliament, consented 
to a second Treaty, by which the Dauphin was to 
have Naples and Sicily and also the Duchy of Milan, 
which he was then to exchange for Lorraine, while 
an Austrian Archduke was to have the rest (February, 
1700). Then, and not till then, feeling in Spain, 
hitherto pro-Austrian rather than pro-French, began to 
declare itself in favour of the Power most likely to be 
able to keep the whole inheritance together. Finally 
on November 1st the King of Spain died, and, when 
his will was opened, it was found that the whole inherit- 
ance was bequeathed to Philip, Duke of Anjou, second 
son of the Dauphin, on condition that the Crowns of 
France and Spain should never be united. Louis, who 
would never have sworn to the Partition Treaties if 
he had foreseen this will, at once broke his oaths, both 
the former and the latter, and accepted the will. 


And so the life work of William seemed to be thrown 
away. Yet what could he do ? At the news of Ryswick 
in '97 the Funds indeed had risen, but the King's power 
had fallen. He had been, to Whigs and Tories alike, 
merely an engine of war — something like one of those 
' new-invented wheel engines,' four of which he had 
taken with him to Ireland in '90, ' which discharge 150 
musket barrels at once, and, turning the wheel, as many 
more ; they are very serviceable to guard a pass.' ■ 
' Down with the Army ! ' was on every one's lips. It 
was a Tory who moved, in December, '97, to reduce 
the Army to the limits of 1680, and it was Whigs, 
Jacobites and Republicans alike who howled a unani- 
mous ' Aye ! ' The Parliament of 1698-9 was strongly 
Tory, and the Army in England was reduced to 7,000 
' native Englishmen ' ; the King's favourite Dutch 
Guards were the first to be sent away. William was 
so much hurt that he seriously meditated retiring to 
Holland and letting England go to the French dogs 
in her own parliamentary fashion. Even the accept- 
ance of the Spanish will, and the insolent triumph of 
Louis in his perjury, did not move England a whit ; 
she seemed utterly blind to the danger ahead, even 
when Louis, now assuming himself to be lawful master 
in Flanders, ejected those Dutch garrisons which the 
Peace of Ryswick had allowed to be established in 
certain ' Barrier ' fortresses of that country. When 
Parliament met, in February, 1701, William was only 
able to speak to it of his desire to strengthen the 
English Fleet, and this it cheerfully authorized him 
to do. 

1 These seem to be forerunners of the modern ' Maxim ■ ; 
there are very few new things under the sun. 


But, as Louis went on, in the sight of all men, to 
swallow the whole of Belgium, the temper of the Nation 
outside Parliament began to change, and a symptom 
of this was a celebrated petition from the Grand Jury 
of Kent to the House of Commons in favour of a more 
warlike attitude ; the House imprisoned the persons 
who presented the petition. On the Continent war 
broke out early in the summer ; the Austrians, at least, 
were not going to submit tamely to such an unheard-of 
attack on the ' balance of power.' And William was 
clearly in communication with them, when an event 
happened which threw the whole game into his hands. 

On September 6th died at St. Germains King James II. ; 
a few hours before his death Louis visited him and 
assured him that he would recognize his son, Treaty or 
no Treaty, as James III. When we say, as we often 
do, that the King of France acted as a true gentleman 
in doing this, we must remember that he thereby broke 
another oath, that of Ryswick, in which he had solemnly 
sworn to recognize William III. ; and it is part of the 
duty of a gentleman to keep oaths inviolate. It was 
not, however, the character of Louis, but his insolent 
attempt to dictate to the people of England who their 
King was to be, which moved even the House of Commons 
to abandon its factious opposition ; in a new Parliament 
at the end of 1701, though there was no complete Whig 
reaction, an instant vote of absolute confidence in 
William was passed ; an Army of 40,000 soldiers, a Navy 
of 40,000 sailors and 10,000 marines, were voted, together 
with subsidies for 10,000 foreign troops ; and the King 
was authorized to negotiate for a fresh entry of England 
into the Grand Alliance. An oath of abjuration of the 
Stuarts was to be imposed on all persons holding any 


office or benefice, and a cruel Bill of Attainder against 
the innocent young James III. was added. This was 
in February, and early in March William had a fall from 
his horse and fractured his collar-bone ; the shock, slight 
as it was, was too much for his worn-out frame, and 
on March 8th his silent, suffering, harassed life came 
to an end. Ah ! could we then but have kidnapped 
the gallant boy of fourteen, not yet saddened by ill-luck 
and poverty, and brought him over here, who knows 
but he might have proved a right English King ? But 
we had to be content with * Good Queen Anne.' 

And Good Queen Anne was now childless. On 
July 30th, 1700, had died another gallant boy, her only 
son the Duke of Gloucester ; and this had led to the 
passing of the fatal Act of Settlement, by which, on the 
death of Anne, the crown was to go to ' Sophia Electress 
of Hanover and her heirs being Protestants.' William 
had been strong for this ; but remember always that, 
hero as he was in the field, and English as he was by his 
mother, William was at heart no Englishman, and cared 
very little for England except as leading member of 
his splendid Coalition. Dismal Germans were to sit on 
the throne of Elizabeth ; and there may well have been 
old men alive in 1700 whose fathers or mothers had 
watched by her pillow in March, 1603, and heard her 
say * she would have no rascal's son in her seat.' 

Sophia was a daughter of another Elizabeth, ' Queen of 
Bohemia,' and so was granddaughter of King James I. ; 
she was a woman of remarkable character and ability, 
which her descendants, until Victoria the Great, did 
not inherit ; but the Parliament, which now offered her 
the throne, provided, with great discretion, in the Act 
of Settlement certain definite limitations of her power 


and of that of all future Kings of her line ; e.g., ' that 
this Nation be not obliged to engage in any war for the 
defence of ' — Hanover ; that ' such successor shall not 
go without consent of Parliament ' — to Hanover ; that 
1 no office under the Crown or grant of lands from the 
Crown or seat in either House of Parliament shall be 
held ' — by any person from Hanover. All these pro- 
visions, as we shall see, were repealed or set aside by the 
Hanoverian sovereigns. Still more important was the 
insertion in the Act of some clauses which the Whigs had 
tried in 1689 to get inserted into the Bill of Rights ; 
e.g., that all matters of State shall be transacted in 
the Privy Council, and all resolutions signed by those 
Privy Councillors who have advised them ; that no 
person . having an office under the Crown or a pension 
from the Crown shall sit in the Lower House ; that a 
person impeached by the Commons shall not be able 
to plead against such an impeachment any pardon 
which the Crown may have granted him ; that the 
Judges shall be irremovable except after Address to the 
Crown from both Houses. Unqualified approval can 
be given only to the last of these provisions ; but, if we 
take them all together, it becomes evident that they 
were a deliberate and far-sighted attempt to settle the 
basis of Sovereignty almost wholly in the two Houses 
of Parliament, and to rob the Crown of all serious pre- 
rogative ; that they were, in fact, the final solution of 
that ' Problem of Sovereignty ' which the circumstances 
of the Seventeenth Century had thrown upon the table 
for discussion, and which kings, statesmen and philo- 
sophers had successively attempted to solve, each in 
favour of himself or of his partisans. 


No more uninteresting sovereign than Queen Anne 
ever influenced the destinies of a great nation. In 
Scottish phrase she was ' just a body,' in person homely 
to the last degree, blear-eyed, at the end of her life very 
fat, and with only one charm, a lovely voice ; to art, 
music and letters equally dead ; very dull of intellect, 
of a very obstinate temper and extremely superstitious. 
In the midst of the most brilliant and witty society she 
would chew the sticks of her fan for lack of conversation. 
But she was kind to the poor and to old soldiers, she 
was a devoted and affectionate wife and mother, and 
she was capable of one great friendship beyond the 
limits of her family. We must always remember that 
she was in constant ill-health from her earliest youth. 
She had many infants who barely survived their birth, 
and many miscarriages ; the death, at the age of ten, 
of her one promising boy, the Duke of Gloucester, must 
have been a fearful blow to her (June 29th, 1700). In 
her last years she was incessantly tormented by ague 
and gout. She is said to have been passionately fond 
of hunting in Windsor forest, but, as she pursued that 
sport * in an open calash ' drawn by one horse, it must 
have been of rather a mild kind. 

She was thirty-seven at her accession, had been tutored 



by Bishops Compton and Lake, courted in 1681 by 
him who was afterwards George I., and married in 
1683, at the age of eighteen, to a dull, jolly, honest 
gentleman, fond of horse-racing and good living, called 
Prince George of Denmark. In 1705 she paid a thousand 
guineas for a race-horse as a present for her husband. 
William had persistently snubbed that husband, but 
had been prudent enough, after Mary's death, to seek 
an immediate reconciliation with Anne and her friends 
the Marlboroughs, who had been inducing her to write 
penitent letters to her exiled father. There is no real 
evidence that her father had ever forgiven her, but it 
is quite possible that her feeling for him and her desire 
for her half-brother's succession revived after the death 
of her own son. In public she was always obliged to 
protest her support of the Hanoverian Succession, al- 
though, like Queen Elizabeth, she profoundly resented 
the incessant speculations as to the events which would 
follow her death. 

The ' Church of England's Glory ' is the title which 
a famous old song gives to Anne ; but it must be con- 
fessed that neither Church nor Queen had any great 
reason to be proud of each other. One most excellent 
thing the Queen did for the Church when she resigned 
the £17,000 a year which came to the Crown from the 
old ' first-fruits and tenths ' (the ' Annates ' -of Henry 
VII I. 's time) and made it into ' Queen Anne's Bounty 
for the Augmentation of Small Livings ' ; but her Church 
patronage was not nearly so wisely exercised as that 
of her sister had been. And the Church was no longer 
the Church of Laud or even of the Seven Bishops ; much 
that was best in that old Church had passed over to 
the Non- Jurors ; the learning and the piety were gone 


while the intolerance remained and became a political 
force, concentrated on hatred of Dissenters. No words 
were too bad for the High Church clergymen to use in 
describing the Low Church Bishops appointed since the 
Revolution ; of ' canonical obedience ' they recked as 
little as their successors to-day. Convocation, which 
had been prudently muzzled by William, now met 
unchecked, and fierce invectives by its Lower against 
its Upper House were of constant occurrence. In the 
really religious movements of the time, the ' Society for 
the Reformation of Manners,' which was trying to purify 
the stage, the ' Society for the Promotion of Christian 
Knowledge' (founded 1699), and the 'Society for the 
Propagation of the Gospel ' (founded 1649, but dating 
all its development from the period before us), the 
High Churchmen took little part, and as little in the 
foundation of charity schools, many of which now owed 
their origin to Dissenting communities. 

* Manners and morals ' do on the whole become dis- 
tinctly more modern, not always with good results, 
during the reign. Material prosperity was fairly high ; 
the ' hungry years ' of William's reign were over, yet 
wheat was usually well over 40s. a quarter. London 
was becoming more and more ' the fashion,' and, 
in London, the centres of fashion were Bloomsbury, 
St. James' Square and Piccadilly. Kensington, still a 
rural village, was already full of fine houses and gardens. 
Drury Lane and the Haymarket were the only two 
theatres, and the stage was still very wicked ; in 1706 
twenty-four actors were indicted for immorality and 
profaneness. But before the end of the reign the in- 
fluence of Addison and of Steele had begun to purify 
the literature of fiction and, to some extent, the Drama. 


Anne forbade the Opera to be performecHn Passion Week. 
Executions were fewer than before, though women were 
still occasionally burned at Tyburn for false coining. 
Bull- and bear-baiting were no longer fashionable for 
the upper classes, though Hockley Hole was still crowded 
twice a week by the lower — the keeper of the bear- 
garden there was killed by one of his pets in 1709 — 
and cock-fighting was still the sport of gentlemen. Art, 
except that of portrait-painting, was not ; but Handel 
came to England in 1710, and began to stimulate a taste 
for music which had never wholly died out. Cricket, 
which, in some shape or other, had been a boys' game 
before the end of the Sixteenth Century, was now a 
sport for men, and we find frequent references to matches 
at it, though these were always played for money. 
Gambling and horse-racing were the curses of the age, 
and gambling on the infant Stock Exchange was ac- 
companied with frequent failures. In Luttrell's Diary 
we may read how such-and-such an ' exchange-broker 
who dealt mostly in .Stocks,' has ' gone aside ' (a sweet 
euphemism) for £100,000. He also records the betting 
at the coffee-houses, of which there were said to be 3,000 
in London, on the events of the war abroad. We are 
brought near to our own days of silly excitement over 
silly feats when we read of a German, aged sixty-four, who 
wagers that he will walk 300 miles in Hyde Park in six 
days, and does it with a mile to spare ; still nearer when 
we read of the great difficulty with which the Govern- 
ment was confronted before it could hang for murder 
a famous prize-fighter l who was a popular favourite ; 
nearest of all, perhaps, in the fuss made about the pro- 
secution of Dr. Sacheverell, which is probably the first 
1 Cook, a Gloucester butcher. 
VOL. Ill 8 ; 


instance of a newspaper-fed agitation. The first daily 
journal, the Daily Courant, dates from 1702, but there 
were already fifty-five weekly papers. There is a penny 
post within London from 171 1 ; there are flying coaches, 
doing their fifty miles a day, in the South of 
England ; the turnpike system is extended over all the 
home counties ; there are regular packet-boat services 
to Calais, Corunna, Holland, Dublin, Lisbon, New York 
and the West Indies. In April, 1710, four Indian 
' kings,' or sachems, come to London to offer their 
services against the French in Canada ; they are lionized 
about London by the Lord Chamberlain, ' and 'tis 
said they'll go over and have a view of our Army in 
Flanders.' Perhaps these children of the forest were 
being ' run ' by an American syndicate. How ' modern,' 
too, that the Government should find it cheaper to have 
ships-of-war built by private firms than in its own dock- 
yards, that Lord Fairfax should take out a patent for 
the fishing up of Spanish wrecks in the West Indies, 
that collieries at Newcastle should ' take fire and blow 
up,' that the Treasurer of the African Company should 
' go off with their money and their books/ that seven 
thousand destitute Germans should come to England 
in a single year (1709), and that foreign Protestant re- 
fugees should earn money at Wandsworth for making 
red hats for Cardinals at Rome. 

In the department of literature men have spoken of 
the ' Augustan Age of Anne ' ; the epithet seems to me to 
be ill-chosen, for no great poet reached his full maturity 
during her reign. Dryden, indeed, almost lived into 
it, dying in 1700, and Pope was twelve at her accession ; 
in 1709 he published his ' Pastorals,' and three years 
later his exquisite ' Rape of the Lock ' ; but his ' Homer ' 


was only just begun when the Queen died. In 
prose, however, a new era is noticeable, and had been 
inaugurated by Dryden, who was perhaps the first 
1 writer for bread/ the first ' professional ' in the craft 
of literature. A professional who is to succeed must 
hit the taste of his public ; the ' reading public/ though 
not educated up to the standard attained by a few in 
the Sixteenth Century, had vastly extended in number 
since the Restoration, but like other ' publics ' it craved 
amusement rather than elevation, it did not want to 
fatigue its brains. Dryden and his successors knew 
this, and, if they simplified style and clarified grammar, 
they rejected also the glowing imagery in which the 
lofty thoughts of the Elizabethan and Caroline writers 
had been expressed. In reading Milton, or Sir Thomas 
Browne, or even Clarendon, we often feel that the 
author's great ideas outrun his power of expressing 
them ; but Dryden, Temple, Addison, Swift and Defoe 
are perfect masters both of thoughts and pen. Addison, 
the great essayist, is perhaps most typical of the smooth, 
polished and somewhat heartless society which he 
amused with his Spectator ; we are sorry for our erring 
or unfortunate brother when he goes under in the race 
of life ; but we do not lend him ten pounds ; we tap 
our snuff-box, say ' Stap my vitals/ and pass on to a 
rout at a Whig duchess's house. Men's benevolence 
seems to be smothered in those monstrous wigs which 
they wear. 

One remarkable fact about literature remains to be 
noted ; the leading writers were now used by the 
Government for party purposes, as they never were 
before or since. The Whig or the Tory party of 
the day would sooner sacrifice the head of its leader 


than the pen of its drudge. That Addison and Steele 
should have written political pamphlets is, perhaps, not 
surprising, but that two of the most imaginative writers 
of any age, Defoe and Swift, should have put themselves 
in harness, is very surprising. The Whig Ministers want 
something trenchant and ' slashing,' to win votes at an 
election ; and Defoe, a hasty writer who never corrected 
his sheets, knocks them off an article in The Review, 
which is hawked all over London with immense success. 
Swift, by his ' Conduct of the Allies,' of which n,ooo 
copies were sold in a month — November, 171 1 — or by 
his incredibly base ' Vindication (!) of the Conduct of 
the Duke of Marlborough,' powerfully stimulates, if he 
does not actually create, a Tory reaction in the middle 
of a Whig war, the most triumphant war in which 
England had ever been engaged. Both these writers 
were masters of almost perfect irony, as well as of 
literal, pictorial and coarse description ; no one could 
1 decompose a subject into its elements ' like Swift. 
To Defoe such hack work seems to have brought no 
shame, as long as it brought pay ; Swift, however, 
probably got to loathe his friends almost as much as 
his foes, and deepened his hatred of mankind in the 

In Parliament faction was nearly, if not quite as bad 
as it had been in the preceding reign. That the results 
of the factious spirit on the position of the Empire were 
not utterly disastrous was largely due to the unrivalled 
patience and conciliatory spirit of the great Duke of 
Marlborough. The principle underlying the history of 
the period is very simple. The Government is com- 
mitted from the outset to a great war in order to check 
the ambition of France ; it is a truly national war for 


national defence and for expansion of Empire ; but to 
the Tories it looks like a Whig war. The Ministries 
are at first mixed, but. tend to a preponderance of 
Whigs ; as they become Whiggier and Whiggier the 
Tory opposition to them and to the war becomes 
nastier and nastier. When, by 1709, the British objects 
of the war are practically attained, the Whigs are 
accused of prolonging it for their own interests, and 
the Tories get upon their side a quite reasonable cry 
for peace. But they strive to bring about this peace 
by the most shameful and underhand methods, and 
disgrace themselves indelibly by their ingratitude to the 
great commander who has raised the English name to 
the highest pitch of glory. 

John, Earl of Marlborough, who became a Duke at 
the Coronation, was now fifty years old ; his treacheries, 
both to James and William, though they must for ever 
stain his memory, were now left behind him, and the 
remainder of his active life was to be given to the glory 
of his country, which even his passionate love of money 
nevermore induced him to betray. To his wife, the 
once beautiful Sarah Jennings, he was even more devoted 
than to his riches ; and that wife had been since 1683 
the bosom friend and counsellor of the Princess who now 
sat on the throne. Nominally a Tory, Duke John was 
emphatically no party man, and, even at the worst 
period of his life, had never joined in the parliamentary 
persecution of Whigs. William had sent him to Vienna 
in 1701 to negotiate for the renewal of the Grand Alliance, 
and he then became plenipotentiary at the Hague with 
the same object. A Knight of the Garter, Commander- 
in-Chief not only of the English, but of all the Allied 
forces, Master-General of the English Ordnance, he 

n8 OBJECTS OF THE WAR, 1702-13 

held, when we declared war in May, 1702, a position 
almost royal. He had need of all the power and all 
the prestige he could command if he were to keep to- 
gether and ' keep good ' the discordant elements of the 
Alliance ; but his tact and his patience were infinite, 
and he succeeded in his object as, perhaps, no other 
diplomatist has ever succeeded. The Alliance nominally 
consisted of the same Powers as that formed by King 
William, for Savoy was now again detached from France, 
and there was an Austrian gentleman upon our side 
who called himself, and whom some few Spaniards 
called, ' King of Spain.' But, the object of the Allies 
being the break up, and the object of the French the 
maintenance of the Spanish Monarchy, the heart of the 
Spanish people was with King Louis of France and with 
Louis' grandson, King Philip of Spain ; and another 
great advantage was now on the side of France, namely, 
the possession of the Spanish Netherlands, where Philip 
had been readily received as King of Spain, and, there- 
fore, Duke of Brabant, Count of Flanders, etc., etc. 

France could thus begin her campaigns by threatening 
Holland instead of having to fight her way through a 
country bristling with carefully lortified cities as in 
William's time. It is, then, not wonderful that our 
Dutch friends should desire to keep the Allied Army for 
the defence of their own frontier, and should, therefore, 
throw all obstacles in the way of the great Duke's in- 
cessant determination to seek out the largest French 
Army he could find and beat it in the field. Over these 
and over all other obstacles, down to the year 1710, the 
genius of ' Corporal John/ as his adoring soldiers called 
him, invariably triumphed. Let us see what were the 
means at his disposal, and how he utilized them. 


In the first place the English (after 1707 the ' British ') 
Parliament, down to 1710, voted large and ungrudged 
supplies for the war. Inconvenient Ministers like the 
crabbed old Rochester and the honest but limited 
Nottingham, who wanted a naval war only, were easily 
got rid of. Godolphin, nominally a Tory, was Lord 
Treasurer and a warm friend of the Duke ; Harley and 
St. John, who came in as Secretary of State and Secretary- 
at-War respectively, at first did what they were told 
to do, and only began to intrigue about 1707 ; when 
they were dismissed in 1708, Walpole, an admirable 
financier, took St. John's place ; and, though the Tory 
Opposition incessantly plied the cry of " Church in 
Danger ! " and endeavoured to stimulate a ' Church fever/ 
as an antitoxin to the war fever, the career of victory 
proved until about 1709 irresistible to the English 
people. In the second place, Marlborough had an 
incomparable second, both in diplomacy and in the 
field, in Prince Eugene, of the House of Savoy, who 
commanded the Imperial troops. Eugene was now 
forty yearrs of age, and had already reaped his laurels 
on many bloody fields against the Turks ; he was ani- 
mated by a personal hatred of Louis even greater than 
that of William ; he seems to have been unacquainted 
with Marlborough till 1703, and their first meeting 
only took place a few weeks before Blenheim. Thirdly, 
in Cadogan Marlborough possessed one of the best 
Quartermasters-General known to history. 

But these were almost the only advantages with which 
our great General started. The jealousy of Allies in the 
field is proverbial, but these Allies thwarted him and 
each other in a quite exceptional manner. On him fell 
all the arrangements to be made for the war in all places 


at once : on the Upper Rhine, in Spain, in Italy, by sea 
and in America, as well as in his own immediate theatre, 
the Netherlands ; and, except by Eugene, he was badly 
served in almost every quarter. The greatest hindrance 
came from the constant presence in his own Army of 
two Civil Commissioners from the Estates of Holland. 
These worthy gentlemen, being, as I have already said, 
of the opinion that the defence of their own frontier 
was the main object of the war, thought it sheer madness 
to fight battles when they could be avoided, and again 
and again they interposed a direct veto upon operations 
which they considered hazardous. On the Upper Rhine 
there was slow old Ludwig of Baden with a strong 
German force. He had been fighting bravely for fifty 
years ; in 1705 he actually expected the whole campaign 
to be delayed a month because he wanted to go and 
' drink the waters.' When he died, in 1707, he was 
succeeded by an incompetent sulky boor, the Elector 
of Hanover, afterwards George L, who took upon himself 
to be jealous of Eugene. The Austrian Prince who now 
called himself Charles III. of Spain, and for whose title 
we were supposed to be fighting, had a double dose of 
original stupidity and obstinacy ; he visited England in 
1703, and stayed at Petworth and several other country 
houses, where he found himself so comfortable that it 
was with great difficulty he could be got to embark for 
Spain ; when he got to that country he only thwarted 
all the plans of the brilliant but erratic British General, 
the Earl of Peterborough. In 4> Italy the stress of the 
war fell on Eugene, and on tne whole troubled Marl- 
borough little. None of the Admirals really understood 
the Duke's far-reaching plans of naval strategy, which 
looked for the destruction of Toulon and the command 


of the Mediterranean. To America he was able to pay 
little attention ; the Tories did indeed send expeditions 
to Quebec, to Newfoundland and the West Indies, but 
they were unpaid, unclothed, unfed ; only the offscour- 
ings of the Army could be spared for them, and if 
battalions were withdrawn for them from Flanders it 
was against the Duke's will. 

The transport system was shocking, and, whenever 
Marlborough was not present in person, mismanagement 
was rampant both aboard and ashore. " We lay at 
anchor five weeks," says Private Deane, "off Tynemouth, 
waiting for orders, having only the bare deck to lie 
upon, which hardship caused abundance of our men to 
bid adieu to the world ... it was a fatigue for the 
Devil." Gibraltar, taken by us in 1704, was a hotbed 
of sickness ; in 171 1 the men there were obliged to 
burn their huts for fuel. In 1705 there was a serious 
outbreak of horse sickness in the Duke's own camp — 
distemper, his chaplain calls it — and it spread to the 
enemy's cavalry also. Recruiting was always extra- 
ordinarily difficult ; criminals from the gaols were readily 
accepted, though the worst men were always sent to 
the more distant theatres of war, and the worst of all 
to America. Parliament licensed impressment in the 
case of persons unable to prove ' visible means of 
subsistence.' By 1708 free pardon had to be offered to 
all deserters who would rejoin the colours. 

Yet out of materials of this nature the Duke made 
the Armies that won Schellenberg, Blenheim, Ramillies, 
Oudenarde and Malplaquet, Armies that were never de- 
feated, that began and ended with the conviction that 

Upon each pair of English legs 
Did march three Frenchmen. 


During the war the British contingents, in all the 
theatres of war together, rose to a total of 70,000 men 
(1709) ; these were nearly always raised in new regi- 
ments, for the Duke permitted no drafts ; a battalion 
of those days would number about 900 x muskets, and 
each battalion, except in the case of the Guards and 
the Royal Scots, was a regiment in itself. A cavalry 
regiment counted 450 sabres. When Eugene first saw 
our cavalry he said, " Money, which you don't want 
in England, will buy fine clothes, and horses, but 
it cannot buy that lively air which I see in every 
one of these troopers' faces." Marlborough's belief in 
and love for Private Thomas Atkins has never been 
exceeded by any commander, and Thomas entirely 
reciprocated those feelings. The Duke's serenity in the 
worst dangers, to which he constantly exposed himself 
without ever getting a scratch, had something awful, 
almost godlike, in it. ' He does not use to say much, 
when he is chagrined, but nobody's countenance speaks 
more,' and his men knew that he had a true and 
tender heart for their sufferings. The result was that 
he was able to require of his men marches and assaults 
which his enemies deemed impossible. Always when 
possible he started before dawn, and was in camp by 
noon, providing carts for the sick to ride in. There 
were no more arrears of pay, and almost no plunder, for 
the Duke paid ready money for everything. Woe to the 
fraudulent sutler or paymaster ; the Duke would speak 
to him, and Cadogan would hang him. For the Cavalry 
he perhaps cared most : there was to be no more firing 

1 These figures must be understood to represent the strength 
at the beginning of- a campaign only ; the ' wastage of war ' 
was enormous. 

CAMPAIGNS OF 1702-3 123 

from horseback, a practice which the French still used ; 
Marlborough's horsemen charged at the gallop and used 
cold steel only. For the first time there is an entirely 
separate Artillery, as a scientific branch of the Service 
(1702) ; there are also Engineers and ' Pontoniers ' to 
make bridges ; at Blenheim, Lord Orkney notes with 
astonishment that we actually made bridges over the 
little stream in the very face of the enemy. In 1703 the 
last pikes disappeared from the Infantry regiments, and 
every soldier had a bayonet on his musket : all writers 
testify to the excellent and accurate firing ' by platoons ' 
of the British troops. 

But the reader, like the Duke, is impatient to find 
the enemy and beat him. In the summer of 1702 the 
French were in occupation of the whole Southern Nether- 
lands and of all the fortresses in the Meuse valley, with 
the exception of Mastricht. Marlborough's first task 
being to deliver Holland from fear of invasion, he took 
the field at Nimeguen in June, and drove Marshal 
Boufflers and sixty thousand Frenchmen from their 
posts on the lower Rhine and Waal back upon Brussels, 
and in three months had retaken, practically without 
loss, the great Meuse fortresses of Venloo, Stevenswaert, 
Maseyk, Roermonde, Liege ; then the Dutch Com- 
missioners compelled him to call a halt. In 1703 the 
Elector of Bavaria, to whom King Louis presented a coat 
with diamond buttons, value two million francs, de- 
clared for France, and a great combination for a joint 
French and Bavarian invasion of Austria via the Danube 
was formed. Marshal Villeroy was meanwhile to recover 
the line of the Meuse — if he could. But he couldn't, 
and Marlborough captured Huy, and had thus got hold 
of the whole triangle between Meuse and Rhine. That 

124 CAMPAIGN OF 1704 

was the year of the terrible storm of November 27th, in 
which ten Queen's ships were lost, the first Eddystone 
Lighthouse was destroyed, the banks of the Severn were 
washed away, and even a Bishop and his wife were 
killed by falling chimneys. In 1704, after consultation 
with Eugene, Marlborough in the deepest secrecy planned 
his great coup, which led to the victory of Blenheim. 
With enormous difficulty he persuaded the Dutch to 
allow him to undertake what he at first called ' defensive 
operations on the Moselle,' and, a little later, ' measures 
for the relief of the Emperor.' In May he was lying 
about Mastricht, facing Villeroy, who lay with his front 
to the East based on Brussels. The Bavarians were at 
Ulm on the Danube waiting to be joined by Marshal 
Tallard, who from Alsace held both banks of the Rhine ; 
him old Ludwig of Baden watched, though with small 
forces, from the Black Forest. 

Now Marlborough knew that he might safely make a 
feint at the heart of France via the Moselle, and that, if 
he did, Villeroy must follow him, a contingency which 
even the timid Dutchmen could not fail to foresee ; 
Holland would thus be safe. Accordingly, in May, he 
marched to Bonn and up the Rhine to Coblentz, where 
the Moselle joins the Rhine. But then, to the astonish- 
ment of friend and foe alike, the English Duke pushed 
swiftly southwards by Mainz, struck the Neckar at 
Ladenburg, and met Eugene and Ludwig at Mondelheim 
in mid-June. Is he for Alsace ? thought the French. 
Anyway Villeroy panted after him on the French side 
of the Rhine. No, by Heaven, he is for the Danube ! 
On the 25th he was close to Ulm, and the Elector, in 
his diamond-buttoned coat, hastened to entrench himself 
on an almost impregnable ' kopje ' outside the town of 


Donauworth called the Schellenberg. It was a position 
which had been attempted thirteen times in history, 
but never carried except by the Swedes under Gustavus 
Adolphus. On July 2nd it was stormed for the second 
time, though with fearful loss to our men, and the 
town and bridge of Donauworth were secured. After 
that action, Prince Ludwig was pleased to say that 
the English troops might be killed, but couldn't be 
beaten. The Elector drew off, badly hit, to Augsburg, 
and Marlborough crossed the Danube, got in his rear, 
and ravaged all Bavaria to starve him out. Even 
while he ravaged, he compelled the Bavarian brewers 
to go on brewing large casks of their excellent beer for 
his soldiers. 

Meanwhile Tallard and Villeroy had met in the Black 
Forest on the very day of the Schellenberg fight, and an 
earnest message of the Elector had summoned all pos- 
sible French troops to his assistance. Eugene with the 
Austrians lay North of them at Stollhofen, but by the 
end of July he and Marlborough were gradually drawing 
nearer to each other and to the Danube. On August nth 
the latter again crossed the river Northwards and joined 
Eugene. Tallard and the Elector did the same and took 
up on the 12th a very strong position on the North bank 
at Blenheim. They were protected by several little 
streams running down to the Danube, one of which was 
over twelve feet wide, and the ground was extremely 
marshy between these : on their right and left they held 
and strengthened the villages of Blenheim and Lutzingen. 
They therefore thought themselves safe either from a 
frontal or a flank attack, and, as provisions were very 
short in both camps, sat down to a starving match 
against the Allies. But Marlborough had no intention 


of starving, and determined to risk a battle. The 
numbers were fairly equal, something over 50,000 a 
side, the Franco-Bavarians being, perhaps, 4,000 the 
better. Early on the 13th Eugene on our right set out 
to make a long detour against the Elector and Marshal 
Marsin, who held Liitzingen ; and Lord Cutts on our 
left, who was to try to storm Blenheim, waited to begin 
his attack till about two, by which time it was hoped 
Eugene would be successful. But Eugene was thrice 
hurled back, and at three o'clock was barely holding 
his own ; soon after that the Duke in person led the 
flower of the English cavalry to a series of charges 
over the streams and marshes in the centre, and he 
used his guns and his infantry to support these charges 
in a most masterly fashion. His final and triumphant 
charge was at five o'clock, and then at last the French 
left fell back before Eugene. But the twenty-seven 
battalions and twelve squadrons of dragoons that 
held Blenheim resisted all shocks of Cutts, Webb and 
Orkney until the pursuit had swept past them and left 
the village isolated. Then Lord Orkney pointed out to 
these gallant fellows the hopelessness of their position, 
" though to* tell the truth it was a little gasconade in 
me"; in fact he confesses that he ' bluffed ' them into 

" Oh ! que dira le Roi, que dira le Roi ! " said the 
French officers, as they laid down their arms. In killed, 
wounded and prisoners, France had lost hard upon 
40,000 men as well as 100 guns : our loss was about 
12,000. There was little pursuit of the few who 
escaped. Tallard was a prisoner ; the Elector fell back 
to the Rhine. Marlborough turned North-Westwards, 
crossed the Rhine at Stollhofen, and proceeded to 


invest Landau and the Moselle fortresses of Trier and 
Trarbach ; all three fell before the end of the year. 
Blenheim was the greatest English victory on land since 
Agincourt ; on September 7th there was a solemn 
thanksgiving service in St. Paul's, and Sir Christopher 
Wren built the Queen a throne in his new church 
for the occasion. The Crown granted the Duke the 
ancient royal manor of Woodstock, and he began to 
rear in the park thereof the hideous structure which 
still bears the name of Blenheim Palace. England had 
other cause of rejoicing, for, a week before Blenheim, 
Admiral Rooke, who had begun the war by failing to 
take Cadiz, by sweeping up a Plate fleet and capturing 
Vigo, seized the Rock of Gibraltar, and decisively re- 
pulsed, off Malaga, a French Fleet that tried to recapture 
it. These events had really assured to England the 
active co-operation of her old ally, Portugal ; better still, 
they led Englishmen to realize Blake's half-forgotten 
view of the all-importance of the Mediterranean as a 
basis for England's sea-power. The Rock successfully 
resisted a most terrible siege in the winter of 1704-5. 

The Emperor Leopold died in May, 1705, and was 
succeeded by his son, Joseph I., elder brother of the 
Archduke Charles, ' King of Spain,' for whom English 
troops under Peterborough and Stanhope had now 
captured Barcelona. All the North-Eastern corner of 
the Spanish Peninsula, that is, Catalonia and Valencia, 
always jealous of Castile, forthwith declared for Charles. 
Peterborough was everywhere hindered by lack of 
supplies and money, but he performed marvels with the 
few troops he had, and won town after town by a series 
of stratagems. In 1706, with the help of an English 
Fleet, he relieved Barcelona, which had been besieged, 


while from the West another Army of Anglo-Portuguese, 
under Lord Galway, drove before it Philip's general 
Marshal Berwick (son of James II. by Marlborough's 
sister !) and occupied Madrid. Now, said Peterborough, 
was the time for Charles to advance from the Mediter- 
ranean coasts and to join hands with Galway ; but 
Charles was as slow as Peterborough was swift, and, 
though the junction was at last effected in August, 
Berwick had already been strongly reinforced from 
France, had cut off the Allies from Madrid, and soon 
drove Galway and Charles into Valencia. Peterborough 
went off to Italy by himself, and was recalled to England 
in the next year. He was an extraordinary man ; Queen 
Mary, we remember, had thought him ' mad.' 

Meanwhile Marlborough had intended to begin the 
campaign of 1705 from his new conquests on the Moselle 
and to drive at the heart of France, but when, after 
wintering as an adored hero in England, he reached Trier 
at the end of May, he found that none of his Allies were 
ready, that Villeroy was preparing for active operations 
on the Meuse, and that Holland was squealing for help. 
He therefore marched upon the Meuse and crossed it, 
Villeroy falling back behind fortified lines on the river 
Geete. These lines, which had taken three years to 
make, were a great feature in the French method of 
warfare ; they extended in a great curve from Antwerp 
to Namur, and within them now lay the French and 
Bavarians with 70,000 men. Marlborough, however, by 
a dexterous feint at Namur, drew off some of the best 
French troops from the weakest point of the lines, which 
was just at William's old field of Landen, and with 
hardly any loss to himself, forced successively the passage 
of the Mehaigne and the Geete, and drove Villeroy 


behind the Dyle. There he was for the time stopped ; 
" Dyle they say is Scotch for Devil," says his chaplain, 
" and so this paltry river proved to us " ; though 
Orkney was of opinion that an attempt to force that 
passage also ought to have been made, " but," he 
adds, " the Dutch are so untoward and my Lord so 
pestered with them, that it is a wonder he doth not 
leave the army." Unable to cross the Dyle, the Duke 
was compelled to ascend to its source near Genappe, 
from whence he turned towards Brussels, and was pre- 
paring to attack Villeroy on the field of Waterloo, 
when the Dutch again interposed their veto. But he 
had at least levelled the whole of the fortified lines as 
far North as Arschott. 

In the next year, 1706, he was to attain a still greater 
— perhaps his greatest — triumph. It was the year of 
Ramillies and of his great march to the sea. Villeroy in 
May lay behind that tiresome Dyle. Marlborough from 
Mastricht sprang over the Geete and brought the French 
to action at Ramillies on May 23rd. The feature of the 
battle is the admirable skill with which the Duke, by 
showing nearly all his red-coats on his right, induced 
Villeroy to withdraw the flower of his own troops to 
oppose them ; then hurled the Dutch on to the French 
right, which was unsupported. Lord Orkney fumed and 
fretted at his men being used only as a tactical pawn, 
' though, indeed, I think I never had more shot about 
my ears,' and at being kept wholly inactive. But 
the British finished the battle, for they did all the 
pursuit, and at last triumphantly forced the Dyle at 
Louvain. Then, in a month of marvellous marches, 
the Duke pressed on Westwards and Northwards, 
and took successively Brussels, Mechlin, Alost, Ghent, 

VOL. Ill Q 


Oudenarde, Antwerp. Before the end of the campaign 
Ostend, Menin, Dendermond and Ath had also sur- 
rendered, and English troops had penetrated into French 
Flanders. The Netherlands were now almost clear, 
except for the little corner on the line of the Sambre 
where the enemy held Mons, Charleroi and Namur, and 
for Ypres, which held out in the North- West. 

Before the end of the year people in London were 
beginning to talk of a Peace. The Estates of Brabant, 
the most important political body in the Southern 
Netherlands, had hastened to acknowledge Charles as 
their sovereign ; and the old French King was not in- 
disposed to give up his grandson's Spanish throne, if he 
might be allowed to keep Milan, Naples and the Kingdom 
of Sicily. Marlborough, however, was right in refusing 
these offers. We must not forget that his eyes were 
never off the Mediterranean, as we shall see when we 
consider the events of 1707. To leave these provinces 
to a Bourbon would make Italy a French dependency, 
and the great inland sea a French lake. Eugene was now 
making gallant head in Italy, and one of Marlborough's 
ideas was to transport his own Army thither, and, in 
conjunction with the English Fleet, finish the war at a 
blow. But, of course, the Dutch would not hear of that. 

Meanwhile the Duke's own position at home was 
slowly becoming less comfortable. Duchess Sarah, the 
Queen's dearest friend, was a most imperious and 
tyrannical friend ; and the placid Queen was beginning 
to resent her bursts of temper. Once a cry for peace is 
raised at all in England, it is apt to become unreasonable ; 
the factious Tories were taking advantage of it, and were 
growing stronger in the Lower House, while, as I said 
above, the Government was coming to wear a much 

CAMPAIGN OF 1707 131 

more Whiggish look ; and so the Tories were also crying 
out ' Church in Danger ! ' Their favourite weapon was 
a Bill against ' Occasional Conformity.' This has been 
represented as an instance of their wicked intolerance ; 
but, in truth, there is much hardship in expecting a 
pious clergyman, who believes in the validity of the 
Holy Sacrament, to give it to a Dissenter who avows 
that he takes it only that he may hold political or 
municipal office ; the Bill was repeatedly brought in, 
but only passed in 171 1, and repealed by 1 George I. 
Sarah, however, acting no doubt in accordance with her 
husband's wishes, but wholly without his tact, bullied 
the Queen into creating the Hanoverian Prince, after- 
wards George II., a Peer of England, and, at the end 
of the year, into making a most pernicious Whig, the 
younger Sunderland, Secretary of State. The Duke 
knew by this time that Harley and St. John were not 
unlikely to play him false, if they could get thereby 
the reins of government into their own hands. 

In 1707 came the deliberate treachery of the Emperor 
by a Treaty with Louis for neutrality in Italy ; this 
unlocked another huge French Army for operations in 
the Netherlands, and the result was that all that year 
Marlborough had to sit at Louvain, which is about the 
central point of his recent conquests, watching very 
superior forces of the enemy concentrating on the 
Sambre ; these, however, effected almost nothing. In 
Spain, Galway and ' King ' Charles, who attempted a 
fresh advance on Madrid, were smashed to pieces by 
Berwick at Almanza, and compelled to fall back behind 
the Ebro ; and, worse still, a great siege of Toulon, 
undertaken by Eugene and the English Fleet under 
Admiral Shovell, was beaten off by the gallantry of the 


French commander Tesse, after two months' leaguer, 
with fearful loss. The French, however, had sunk their 
Toulon Fleet to prevent its capture, and we were thus 
left in undisputed command of the Mediterranean. 

The year 1708 opened with a great increase of faction 
in Parliament ; only on the maintenance of the Fleet 
could both parties agree. There was already in existence 
a ' Seamen's Registration Act ' of 1696, by which 30,000 
merchant sailors received each a bounty of £2 a year, 
on condition of joining the Navy if called upon, and 
now a still better Act was passed, freeing any sailor 
who served the necessary period of apprenticeship 
for any trade in Great Britain, and directing that any 
one refusing to serve should be rendered incapable of 
earning his living as a boatman on the river Thames. 
Marlborough and Eugene met at the Hague in April 
to arrange for a blow on the Sambre, but the Allies were 
even more dilatory than usual, and the French, under 
the Duke of Vendome, were able to resume a rapid 
offensive ; treachery had admitted parties of them to 
the towns of Ghent and Bruges, and they were already 
laying siege to the important post of Oudenarde on the 
Scheldt, which commanded the English line of com- 
munications with Ostend, when by an extraordinarily 
swift march (fifty miles in sixty hours), our Duke threw 
his whole Army between Vendome and France, July 
nth, and crossed the Scheldt in the face of the enemy. 
Late that evening our eighty thousand fell upon their 
hundred thousand West of the town. Private Deane 
of the Guards says, " We beat 'em from hedge to 
hedge, from breastwork to breastwork . . . they having 
secured themselves of strong ground, as they always 
do, getting into villages and houses, and making every 


quick-set hedge so that we cannot come at them." 
He evidently thought it a mean thing to take cover ; 
but even the superior intelligence of ' La Tulipe ' and 
his fellows had to give way to the dogged valour of 
men like Deane. Vendome was driven back with great 
slaughter ; Marlborough at once pushed on into France 
and began to besiege the great city of Lille. He had 
desired to mask Lille and push on to Paris, but even 
Eugene was against this. At Oudenarde had fought with 
great valour, on the one side, under the name of the 
' Chevalier de Saint-George,' the exiled King James III., 
and, on the other, a stumpy little man with goggle eyes 
and a red face, whom we shall later call George II. 

For the siege of Lille, all material had to be brought 
from Brussels, Vendome watching from the North, 
Berwick and the Elector of Bavaria from the South 
and East ; both made incessant attacks on our convoys, 
but these were always repulsed and neither Frenchman 
dared to risk a general engagement. Once the Elector 
drew the Duke himself away by a threat on Brussels, 
but fled at his approach. This siege of Lille is perhaps 
Marlborough's greatest feat, for Boufflers, who was 
inside, showed the utmost resource and valour in de- 
fence. " We were fatigued and bugbeared out of our 
lives," says Deane ..." the Army was drownded out, 
and what was not killed or drownded was spoiled by 
their hellish inventions of throwing bombs, boiling pitch, 
tar, oil, brimstone and such combustibles from the 
outworks." Our loss had been perhaps 8,000 men, 
but the town capitulated in October, and the citadel 
early in December ; Ghent and Bruges quickly fell also. 
On the day on which the news of the fall of Lille reached 
London, came the still greater news of the capture of 


Minorca by Stanhope and the English Fleet ; the Mediter- 
ranean was thus made safe for English keels. The 
importance of Minorca to us can hardly be overrated ; 
it is right opposite Toulon, and much of our subse- 
quent strategy centred round it. Lost in 1756, it was 
restored to us in 1763 ; lost again in 1783, we retook 
it in 1798, but finally surrendered it in 1802. Malta, 
taken at the date of Nelson's supremacy in the Mediter- 
ranean, was a very poor substitute for the larger island. 
If we ever have to fight France and Spain again, we 
must retake Minorca at all costs. 

In other respects the Spanish theatre of the war was 
barren of events in 1708-9, but in the following year 
Stanhope and the Austrian Stahremberg penetrated from 
Catalonia into Aragon, won a little victory at Almenara, 
and pushed on to Madrid, from which, for the second 
time, King Philip was driven. But there again want of 
men and the universal hostility of the Castilian popu- 
lation told heavily against us ; the Duke of Vendome 
came down in great force, and compelled the Allies to 
evacuate the Capital. Stanhope, on his retreat, made 
a most gallant but unsuccessful defence at Brihuega, 
and Stahremberg at Villa Viciosa. But it was too late, 
and these two actions practically closed the Peninsular 
campaign in favour of Philip. 

The death of Anne's husband, Prince George, in 
November, 1708, has been called a loss to Marlborough, 
but as a matter of fact he had gone over to the Opposi- 
tion before his death : the Duke was still able to force 
on the Queen some more Whig Ministers, notably Somers, 
Wharton and Orford, and to get Harley and St. John, 
now manifestly hostile to him, dismissed ; but it was 
his last political triumph ; the Whigs played what cards 


they held very badly, and Sarah became almost un- 
bearable to her mistress. She had recently introduced, 
as a Maid of Honour, a relative of her own, Mistress 
Abigail Hill, and Abigail, though never loved as Sarah 
had been, managed the gouty and miserable widow with 
considerable tact. To her the Tory Opposition turned, 
and blew, through her mouth, the Church-and-Tory 
trumpet to any and every tune against the Duke, the 
War, the Whigs and the Dissenters. The year '9 opened 
with a terrible frost, which lasted into March — River 
frozen above-bridge for weeks together, and London 
holding fairs on its bosom. Louis was gravely consider- 
ing peace, and Marlborough went as plenipotentiary to 
the Hague, where the French King vainly offered him 
an enormous bribe ; it was not, indeed, the Duke, but 
his violent Whig colleagues and their still more violent 
Allies who refused Louis' very reasonable offers, which 
were to renounce all for which he had fought, and to 
recognize the Austrian claimant to Spain. The English 
Ministry insisted on adding the humiliating condition 
that France should join her forces to ours in order to 
expel from the Peninsula the grandson of the King of 
France ! Marlborough himself wrote, " If I were the 
King of France I would venture the loss of my country 
sooner than consent to this." By June 7th all hope 
for peace was over, and Louis, bankrupt in a ruined 
kingdom, made a noble appeal to his people, which 
was nobly answered ; the coarsest bread was selling 
in Paris at 8d. the pound, and the general distress drove 
starving men to take service in the Army. That Army 
was put under Villars, the ablest French Marshal that 
Marlborough ever encountered. He set himself to form 
strong lines from Douai Northwards to the Lys, with 


his centre at La Bassee. Unable to force these lines 
by a frontal attack, Marlborough turned upon Tournai, 
which he took in July, after a terrible siege, and then 
upon Mons. For the defence of this all-important for- 
tress Villars was obliged to move out, and he took up 
an almost impregnable position in a gap between 
woods at Malplaquet. 

The Duke was for attacking him before he had 
strengthened this post, but, in deference to Eugene, 
waited two days (till September nth) for reinforce- 
ments, a delay which cost the Allies dear. Malplaquet 
was the most terrible of battles, an assault on a narrow 
front between woods and through woods ; men fought 
from tree to tree, muzzles touching ; " I don't believe," 
says Lord Orkney, " ever Army in the world was 
attacked in such a post . . . they had in many places 
three, four and five retrenchments [entrenchments] one 
behind the other . . . some of my foot ran away, 
though I gave both fair and foul language. ... I 
hope in God," says the hardened old Scot, " it will 
be the last battle I ever see ; a very few of such 
would make both parties end the war very soon." 
" We," says Serjeant Hall, " had an indifferent breakfast, 
but the Mounseers never had such a dinner in all their 
lives ... we have lost two hundred in our battalion and 
ten Serjeants, and I have received a very bad shot in the 
head myself." As a matter of fact the victorious Allies 
lost twenty thousand to the French twelve thousand ; 
the Armies had been nearly equal, almost a hundred 
thousand a side. Villars and Eugene were both wounded, 
and the French retreat was conducted by Boufflers. The 
Duke of Argyll had seven shots through his clothes. 
But the result of the battle was the fall of Mons. 


After this awful slaughter the English people began 
indeed to say ' Cui bono ? ' Where is it all to end ? 
The gallant attitude of the old French King, once the 
bogy and bugbear of every Protestant child in England, 
began to rouse respect : the plaguey Dutch, who were 
everlastingly crying out for a strong ' Barrier ' to be 
won for themselves against France, were thought to be 
leading us by the nose. Louis' offers of the spring 
began to be talked about, and the monstrous conditions 
which the Whigs had wished to impose upon him 
leaked out. Not slow were the Tories to take advan- 
tage of such talk, and to add to it the most gratuitous 
and insolent insinuations against the greatest of English 
soldiers. ' He was prolonging the war for his own 
glory — nay, for his own profit. He had refused bribes 
from Louis ? Yes, but he had been far more heavily 
bribed by the Emperor. He was an arch-peculator who 
cheated poor soldiers of their pay,' etc., etc. — a string 
of malicious lies. In such conditions of public feeling 
a certain Dr. Sacheverell, who, I am sorry to say, was 
a Fellow of Magdalen, ' an insolent, hot-headed man 
without learning or piety,' preached on November 5th 
before the Lord Mayor a vulgar, tawdry sermon, ' as 
regardless of grammar as of sense,' denouncing tolera- 
tion for Dissenters, and supporting the old Caroline 
doctrine of right divine and non-resistance. To im- 
peach such an ass was ridiculous, and the wisest Whigs, 
especially Somers and Marlborough, protested against it. 1 
But Godolphin, to whom the Doctor had appended an 

1 There is, however, something to be said for the view, after- 
wards expressed by Burke, that Sacheverell's sermon had been 
deliberately intended as a challenge and that no Government 
could have wholly overlooked it. 


ugly nickname, appears to have lost his head, and the 
Ministry determined to bring on a trial. Wren built 
a scaffold in Westminster Hall to accommodate five 
hundred persons, and the mob of London went mad 
over ' High Church and Sacheverell ' ; forty thousand 
copies of the famous sermon were sold. It was the sort 
of foolish outburst that was seen in our own days over 
the removal of an African elephant from the Zoological 
Gardens to America. On trial, the poor parson pre- 
varicated and endeavoured to prove that he had never 
meant what he had said ; the Lords merely ordered his 
sermon to be burned and suspended him from preach- 
ing for three years, and the foolish Queen rewarded 
him with a rich living. On the accession of George he 
vapoured a bit and talked about martyrdom, although 
he took the oaths before his death in 1724. 

But he had served the factious purpose of the Tories 
admirably — he was just a stick to beat Whigs with : 
" The Nation," wrote Luttrell a year later, " has cause 
to curse Sacheverell ; without that hurly-burly you had 
had peace ere now." On peace, indeed, the Tories were 
determined, but only as a means of getting into office and 
taking vengeance on the Whigs. Two more campaigns 
were granted to the Duke : in 1710 he forced Villars' 
lines of La Bassee, took Douai, Aire and Saint- Venant, 
and in 171 1 forced a fresh and far more elaborate set of 
lines, which the indomitable Marshal had created further 
South, capturing Bouchain and menacing Arras and 
Cambrai. Meanwhile the Queen had been interfering 
badly with Marlborough's appointments in the Service ; 
her last stormy interview with his wife was in April, '10, 
while fresh peace-conferences were being carried on at 
Gertruydenberg. There Louis renewed his offers of the 

A TORY MINISTRY, 1710 139 

year before, and even offered to cede Alsace to the Duke 
of Lorraine, but, as before, utterly refused to help in 
the expulsion of his grandson, who was now in solid 
and triumphant possession of all Spain except the little 
corner of Catalonia. Louis had indeed but to bide his 
time and foster the factious spirit in England ; he 
never needed to make such good offers again. The Whig 
Sunderland was dismissed in June and Godolphin in 
August, Rochester and Ormond (the latter almost an 
avowed Jacobite), entered the Ministry, and finally 
Harley became Lord Treasurer and St. John Secretary of 
State. The remaining Whigs were cleared out by the 
end of 17 10, and the ' Sacheverell election ' of that year 
resulted in a huge Tory majority in the Commons, a 
majority whose leaders used to meet in the celebrated 
1 October Club ' at the Bell Tavern in Westminster. 

Harley, St. John, Lord Chancellor Harcourt and Dr. 
Jonathan Swift, who had begun in 1710 to write on 
the Tory side in the Examiner, were virtually the 
Ministry ; they used to meet and dine together, and no 
doubt Swift, proudest of mankind, liked being called 
' Jonathan ' and flattered by Ministers of State. But 
it is astonishing that a man of his lofty intellect did 
not see through the factious trivialities of Harley and 
the more open knavery of St. John ; indeed there 
is evidence that before the end of the reign he was 
weary of his position. Both the leading Ministers 
sprang from bitter Whig and Dissenting families ; 
St. John in his youth had been compelled to read 
every one of the hundred and nineteen sermons of 
Dr. Manton on the hundred and nineteenth Psalm. He 
was a man without honour or religion, a profligate of 
unexampled recklessness, but capable, by fits and starts, 


of extraordinary industry. " Ah, Harry," said his father 
in 1713, " I always said you would be hanged, but, now 
you are made a Peer, I suppose you'll be beheaded." 
It was a repulsive spectacle to see such a man posing 
as a champion of the Church and a persecutor of 
Dissenters. There may be something to be said for the 
Occasional Conformity Act, and more for the Stamp Act 
of 1712, which, with the laudable intention of cutting 
down the * yellow press ' of those days, imposed a duty 
on newspapers ; but there is nothing but condemnation 
for St. John's Schism Act of 1714, by which no one 
was to be allowed to keep a school without a licence 
from the Bishop and the annual taking of the Anglican 
Sacrament ; this, like its sister Act against Occasional 
Conformity, was repealed by the Whigs, 1 George I. 
Harley had risen by patient mastery of all the forms 
of Parliament ; he could speak at any hour, at any 
length, on any subject, and what he spoke, except 
when he was making personal insinuations against an 
opponent, was mere gas. He was a solemn windbag, 
without the remotest idea of statesmanship, and, when 
he got into the Office for which he had so basely 
intrigued, he soon realized that he was merely drifting. 
Though a heavy drinker he had one virtue in private 
life, for he was a great collector of rare books and 
manuscripts. He was created Earl of Oxford and Earl 
Mortimer in May, 1711. For the last time in history 
a Government office, the Privy Seal, was given to a 
Bishop, Dr. Robinson. 

From the first moment of its accession the Ministry 
set itself to work for a Peace ; secret agents from France 
were secretly received by the Queen ; to the Allies and 
to Marlborough were shown bogus sketches of Treaties, 


and meanwhile death had been busy on both sides abroad. 
In February, 171 1, died the Dauphin ; in 1712 his eldest 
son the Duke of Burgundy, and one of Burgundy's infant 
sons. When, in 1714, Burgundy's youngest brother, Berri, 
followed these to the grave, between Philip, King of 
Spain, and the French Crown there now only remained a 
frail infant, afterwards Louis XV., and his great-grand- 
father, aged seventy-four. If the infant died, Philip would 
unite the Spanish and French thrones, for no one supposed 
for a moment that his renunciation of the latter, sworn 
in 1700 on any number of Gospels, would be allowed 
to stand in the way of his interests ; and then all our 
blood and treasure would have been poured out for 
nothing. But in April, 171 1, had died also the Emperor 
Joseph, and he had left no sons ; * King ' Charles of 
Spain was therefore now heir to all the Austrian do- 
minions, and was chosen Emperor. If the chance of 
the union of France and Spain were the more terrible, 
the certainty of the re-creation of the Monarchy of 
Charles V., if this other Charles really became King of 
Spain, was hardly less terrible ; and we must remember 
that Joseph died nearly a year before the two younger 
French Princes. Thus fortune had again played into 
the hands of the Tories. 

When Marlborough reached the Hague after his cam- 
paign of 1711 he was accused of peculation and dis- 
missed from all his offices. Ormond was put in his 
place, and was obliged at first to pretend to take the 
field beside Eugene, but with secret orders to thwart 
his ally, who had visited England early in '12 to protest 
against the coming Peace, the Ministers in vain trying 
to stir up the London mob against such a hero. In 
July, 1712, Ormond was ordered to suspend hostilities 


and to march away his troops, who broke out into 
mutiny and tears of rage at the news ; the foreign con- 
tingents which had been in English pay positively refused 
to quit Eugene, but, as a result of the English with- 
drawal, Villars was able to resume the offensive, to beat 
Eugene at Denain on July 24th, and to recapture several 
frontier towns. Marlborough had already left England 
in disgrace, but had been received with royal honours 
by those very Dutch who had bullied and thwarted him 
so much in the days of his glory. Of him there is little 
more to tell. Sulky George when he came to the throne 
gave him no confidence, though he was obliged to 
restore him to the Command-in-Chief. The Duke had 
two successive strokes of paralysis in '16, but he was 
able to play with his grandchildren and to count his 
guineas till '22, when a third stroke killed him. 

The final congress for peace was opened at Utrecht 
at the beginning of '13, and the Peace was signed on 
March 31st ; it was a party peace, and St. John, now 
Viscount Bolingbroke, frankly said so. It was brought 
about purely as a party measure and by the most dis- 
graceful means ; but, after such victories, it couldn't 
help being of solid and splendid advantage to England. 
And it expressed our position all the more because our 
one naval ally, Holland, had no colonial or maritime 
gains by it at all. She was, indeed, ceasing to be a 
first-class Naval Power, and, for several years past, had 
been unable to furnish her full contingent of ships. By 
the terms of the Treaty (1) France and Spain recognize 
the Hanoverian family as successors to Queen Anne. 
(2) Philip, King of Spain, renounces all claims to the 
French throne. (3) France agrees to claim no com- 
mercial advantages in Spanish America, and Great 


Britain is to be allowed a thirty years' monopoly of the 
importation of negro slaves to that country ; she is 
also to be allowed to send one ship to the annual fair 
of Portobello, which is the great depot of Spanish- 
American trade on the Atlantic side of the Isthmus of 
Panama. (4) Spain cedes Gibraltar and Minorca to 
Great Britain, and France cedes Acadia (afterwards 
Nova Scotia) and Newfoundland ' to the same ; Spain 
cedes the island of Sicily to Savoy. (5) France will 
dismantle the fortifications of Dunkirk. (6) King 
James III. shall quit France ; as early as 1709 Louis 
had been obliged to tell him that such a contingency 
was possible, but had promised that, wherever he went, 
he, Louis, would support him ; James went at first 
to Lorraine, and was there when Sister Anne died. (7) 
In return for this abandonment of the Jacobite cause, 
England will abandon her Spanish allies in the province 
of Catalonia — result, the Catalans resisted Philip to the 
death and their province was wasted in blood and fire. 
(8) By a separate Treaty between France and the Dutch, 
the Spanish Netherlands shall pass to the House of 
Austria, but the Dutch shall be allowed to garrison a 
long row of fortresses on the Southern frontier of these 
provinces, and the Austrians shall contribute to the 
pay of these garrisons ; this is the famous ' Barrier 
Treaty.' England undertakes to support this Barrier 
with a Fleet and an Army of ten thousand men ; the 
Dutch, on their side, agree to support the Protestant 
Succession in England with a Fleet and six thousand men. 

1 On Newfoundland and the respective rights of France and 
England there, see above, Vol. II., p. 513. On Acadia and Nova 
Scotia and the respective meanings of these names at different 
epochs, see Poole's ' Historical Atlas,' plates 85 and 86. 


The Dutch are also permitted to close the river Scheldt, 
upon which the commercial life of the Spanish Nether- 
lands had depended, and so to ruin the port of Antwerp ; 
this was, however, in the letter, merely a restatement of 
one of the clauses of the Peace of Westphalia of 1648. 
(9) And by a third Treaty, to which the Emperor at 
last unwillingly agreed, Austria shall receive, in addition 
to the said Netherland provinces, Naples, Milan and 

The original aim of King William III. was thus in 
some sort obtained. A French Prince sat indeed upon 
the throne of Spain and nominally ruled over the vast 
regions of Spanish America ; but the Inheritance of 
Charles V. was partitioned, and all its Mediterranean 
power at an end. On these Treaties the political equili- 
brium of Europe rested, or was believed to rest, for the 
ensuing thirty years — some people say for eighty years — 
and all the troubles of the next period arose from the 
ambitious desire of several Powers, who thought it had 
been too unfavourable to them, to upset it. 

The best clause of all in the Treaty between England 
and France was thrown out by the pestilent stupidity 
of the British Parliament. St. John has only one title 
to real fame ; he was, as many of his Tory associates 
also were, a free trader, and he had drawn up a clause 
by which England and France, immeasurably the two 
most civilized nations of the world, were to stand, as 
regards tariffs, ' on a footing each to each of the most 
favoured nation ' : that is to say that France was to 
admit goods produced in England, and England to 
admit goods produced in France at lower duties than 
those respectively enforced against the goods of all other 
nations. But in 1703 Mr. Methuen had negotiated a 


similar Treaty with Portugal, and, as Portugal had gold 
(from Brazil) as well as wines to send us, the British 
merchants, who still thought gold and silver the only 
real ' wealth,' got the Lower House to reject, though 
only by nine votes, the Commercial Treaty with France 
in favour of that with Portugal. The result was that, 
instead of drinking honest claret, our ancestors went 
on for a century poisoning themselves with port, and 
deserved (and got) the gout which they bequeathed 
to their descendants. 

The remainder of Anne's reign is concerned with the 
question — What did her Ministers intend to do on her 
death ? The rightful King of England had already left 
France for Lorraine when Utrecht was signed. Nothing 
in the Queen's own public conduct manifested much 
Jacobite leaning ; but the fact that Ormond, Wynd- 
ham, Mar held high office in the State looked in that 
direction. The Tories, strong before, were still more 
strengthened by the elections of 1713, and the Funds, 
always at that date of Whig temper, had fallen at the 
news ; they fell still further when Anne was taken very 
ill in the following spring. In May, '14, the Lords carried 
an Address to the Queen that she should demand the 
expulsion of her brother from Lorraine, and even issue 
a reward for his apprehension ; she was naturally furious, 
and still more so when they demanded that Prince 
George, who had been created Duke of Cambridge in 
1706, should be sent for to sit in Parliament. The writ 
was sent to him, but the Queen sent with it such a letter 
as killed his grandmother, Sophia, the Hanoverian 
claimant, aged eighty-three (June 8th) ; this left George 
Lewis, Elector of Hanover, the parliamentary heir. 
The fact is that during all the early part of Anne's reign 

vol. in 10 


the Hanoverian envoy, Baron Schutz, who had resided 
twenty years in England, had managed his mistress's 
cause with admirable tact ; but he had died in 1710, 
and his successor, Bothmar, did not make himself so 
acceptable. Phlegmatic George had long ago deposited 
in a sealed paper with his Minister in England a list of 
the Council of Regency, which, immediately on Anne's 
death, was to proclaim his mother, or, if she died, him- 
self ; and all the plans of his party were ready and 
well laid. But the Tories had the actual power, both 
civil and military, in their hands, and the whole ques- 
tion was, — Were the Tories for James or for George ? 
The answer must emphatically be, the Tories themselves 
didn't know. Oxford certainly didn't know : he as- 
sumed an air of mystery, and let each side think he was 
devoted to it ; probably he was in a fright. The Church- 
men didn't know : one Bishop, Atterbury of Rochester, 
an eager, clever but not very tactful man, was an honest 
Jacobite. The majority of the country Clergy hated 
Dissenters so badly that they had almost forgotten their 
fear of Popery, and perhaps a majority of the country 
gentlemen thought upon the same lines ; indeed the 
very least symptom on good King James' part of con- 
cession on the religious question would undoubtedly have 
brought him in, but this he was too honest a man to 
show. He let every one know that he was absolutely 
without intolerance, and that, while keeping his own 
faith, he would protect ours all over the World ; only, 
unfortunately, no one believed that Papists ever spoke 
the truth. Marshal Berwick, James' half-brother but 
now a naturalized French subject, had a plan which, 
though adventurous, had something to recommend it ; 
it was that James should travel secretly to England, 


seek in secret a reconciliation with his sister, and get 
her to present him to Parliament as her heir. This 
would, I think, very possibly have succeeded. The 
glorious scenes at the close of Mr. Thackeray's master- 
piece ' Esmond ' represent the temper of the time with 
astonishing fidelity, and err only in the ludicrously un- 
fair character they give of the exiled King. With the 
Whigs were, of course, all the Dissenters, now a very 
rich and powerful body, and most of the financiers, 
merchants and manufacturers ; to us, accustomed to 
the cruel supremacy of the urban over the rural classes, 
this sounds an overwhelming combination, but in 1714 
it did not mean a quarter of the Nation. 

In those fateful months the question seemed to rest 
on the fulcrum of an even balance. Some have thought 
that it rested in the hands of Henry St. John, Lord 
Bolingbroke. That astute schemer was certain to be 
cast down from his high position if George came in ; 
whereas, if James became King, he might possibly last 
some time before James found out what a scoundrel he 
was. And so in July, '14, he undoubtedly leaned to 
the Jacobites : he tripped up his colleague, Oxford, and 
got him dismissed at the end of that month ; and, in 
after years, it was believed that he had said that ' with 
six weeks more of Queen Anne, he would have had the 
Stuarts back again.' But poor Anne, whatever her own 
feelings may have been, couldn't give her new Minister 
even a week : on the 30th she had a fit of apoplexy, 
and the Whig Dukes of Argyll and Somerset hastened 
to Kensington, forced themselves into the Cabinet, and 
insisted on speaking to their dying Sovereign. At the 
bedside they compelled her, at 1 p.m., to give the White 
Staff of Lord Treasurer to the Duke of Shrewsbury, 

148 DEATH OF ANNE, 1714 

whom, though once a Jacobite, they believed they now 
could trust. According to one version, Bolingbroke 
himself proposed Shrewsbury ; if so, did he believe him 
to be a Hanoverian ? The Dukes went back to the 
Council Chamber and sat all afternoon and night, 30th, 
and all 31st, drafting orders to troops and officials in 
the interest of King George. The Queen lingered un- 
conscious, and died at 7 a.m. on August 1st. " What 
a World is this, and how does Fortune banter us ! " 


The period now before us is typified by its headdress, 
and influenced by the fact that men had worn that 
headdress for at least a generation. Although, except 
for full dress, wigs were actually growing smaller during 
the reigns of George I. and II., the moral influence of the 
wig may be said to have reached its zenith in the former 
reign ; and, while it lasted, I think it must have stupefied 

Yet the age should not be dismissed as wholly 
stupid, wholly immoral or wholly unkindly. The tattle 
of fashionable wits is not to be taken as giving a fair 
picture of the intelligence or the morality of the Nation ; 
on the whole I believe private morality to have been 
steadily getting better. But the tone set by the Court 
was very low, and was unrelieved by any such intel- 
lectual graces and interests as had partly redeemed 
the age of Charles II. If England was not without 
great men, it was without great causes. * No enthu- 
siasm ' was its watchword, and the word was used in its 
strictly Greek sense. The moral influence of the Church 
was by no means so dead as has been alleged ; the 
country parsons as a whole did their duty ; but, among 
the higher Clergy, the most spiritual element had passed 
to the Non- Jurors, or accommodated itself with difficulty 



to the service of a Whig Government. That Govern- 
ment naturally appointed Whig Bishops, and these seem 
to have been largely inoculated with the spirit of 
scepticism. A great literature grew up of a ' Deistic ' 
kind, challenging and attempting to explain away all 
the mysterious and spiritual side of religion, reducing 
Christianity, in short, to a system of prudence, and 
calling in doubt everything that cannot be ' naturally 
explained.' On the other hand, spiritual truth was 
never more admirably defended than by Bishops 
Berkeley and Butler, the intellectual giants of their 
century ; the great glory of the latter is to have 
proved that the laws of Nature are as mysterious as 
those of revealed religion. And on the same side we have 
the mystic and Non-Juror, William Law, whose ' Serious 
Call to a Devout and Holy Life ' was the most treasured 
possession of our great-grandmothers ; on the same side, 
too, the simple piety of the Quakers, whose worldly 
prosperity was also very great. To Law and to the 
Quakers we shall, before the middle of the century, 
be able to affiliate the new spiritual movement of 
the ' Methodists.' Again, George II. 's Queen, Caroline, 
though she had no religion to speak of, did her best 
to promote learning in the Church ; both Butler and 
Berkeley were her nominees to bishoprics. 

But, when we turn to the sphere of government, we 
shall see that ' politics ' have reached a very serious depth 
of degradation ; that they are becoming what they are 
believed to be to-day, merely the art of ' managing ' 
the Houses of Parliament and the electorate ; and, 
as we should expect, this is accompanied by an utter 
neglect of the Army, Navy and coast defences. All the 
lessons of Marlborough are forgotten, all posts in both 


the Services are at the mercy of the parliamentary jobber 
who is for the moment on the top, or of intrigues at the 
Court. Statesmanship withers in such an atmosphere ; 
the one contemporary British statesman of great ideas, 
John, Lord Carteret, afterwards Earl Granville, failed 
to lead his country simply because he could not bring 
himself to soil his hands by managing the House of 

George I. was born in the Restoration year, and was 
thus fifty-four when he became King ; he possessed the 
rare virtue of truthfulness, and had fought with dis- 
tinction against the Turks. He had married his own 
cousin, accused her, rightly or wrongly, 1 of adultery, and 
shut her up in a dismal German castle for thirty-one 
years. He kept two mistresses (whom he created English 
Peeresses), more perhaps because it was ' the thing,' 
in the little German Courts in which all his thoughts 
were centred, to imitate Louis XIV., than from any 
natural tendency to wickedness. Nominally a Lutheran, 
he was quite ready to conform to the English, or to any 
other outward form of religion, but at heart he was a cold 
materialist. We have Sir Robert Walpole's authority 
for saying that he could be good company after dinner ; 
but, as Walpole knew no French or German and the 
King no English, and as both were thus reduced to con- 
verse in bad Latin, their jollity must have been under 
some restraints. George showed little enthusiasm for 
his new kingdom, which, as the French Ambassador 
said, he probably considered ' as a temporary possession 
to be made the most of while it lasted.' As for his 
manners, ' when he has a mind to compliment any one 
he bites a piece of sweetmeat with his gums (for he has 
1 The latest investigations, we fear, prove that it was ' rightly.' 


no teeth), and then gives the rest to the person he desires 
to oblige.' Few kings have been more hated by high 
and low, and the hatred was pretty openly expressed, 
although I believe that the clergyman who, preaching 
on the anniversary of his accession, chose for his text, 
' Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof,' was an 
Irishman, unconscious of his own wit. In George's last 
year his statue in the new ' Grosvenor Square ' (begun 
in 1 716) was pulled down and smashed to bits, nor 
could the smashers ever be discovered. No wonder 
that his greatest pleasure was in his periodical visits 
to Hanover, that ' Terra Damnosa ' 

For which he scrapes, borrows, begs all he can get, 
And runs his poor owners most vilely in debt. 

His two children, the Queen of Prussia and George, Prince 
of Wales, were different from their father ; the latter 
at least was such a warm partisan of his unfortunate 
mother that his father hated him bitterly, and once 
gravely listened to a proposal to have him kidnapped 
and deported to the backwoods of America. The Prince 
was as brave as his father, but without his father's 
shrewdness or self-restraint, the vainest little strutting 
peacock of a man you can conceive. He made, just 
because his father scorned England, a parade of ap- 
pearing intensely English ; he rapidly learned to speak 
English of the Billingsgate variety, and sought vigorously 
for English mistresses. Lady Mary Wortley Montagu, 
the occasional head of such society as the disgusting 
Court could collect, says of him that ' he looked upon 
all men and women as creatures he might kick or kiss 
for his diversion.' But he was saved from the intense 
hatred felt for his father by the tact of his wonderful 


wife Caroline, of whom more anon. Both father and 
son were, as far as education went, simple boors, blind 
to everything that can elevate the mind, to religion, 
romance, art, letters or science. 1 And if in their reigns 
Pope was rising to immortal fame, if Defoe and Swift 
were weaving incantations for posterity, if Johnson and 
Fielding reached their maturity, it must be allowed that 
the general tone of literature was very low. It was 
the day of ' Grub Street/ of ' Secret History,' of forged 
memoirs. The bitterness of authors against each other 
and against their publishers — a harmless and often a 
beneficent race of men — is very startling. Colley Cibber 
was a fit Poet Laureate for such a period. The Theatre 
did not improve in morality ; masquerades at the Opera 
House, continually denounced from the pulpit, were 
openly patronized by both Kings, and the first Panto- 
mimes, which date from 1723, were very indecent. 

It is customary for historians to pay much attention 
to the parliamentary and ministerial history of this 
period, and to the shifting kaleidoscope of European 
Treaties ; personally, I do not much care which par- 
ticular Whig was uppermost at any given date ; the 
essential thing is to know what sort of man an Eighteenth 
Century Whig was, and how he governed England. 
George I. made no attempt to govern it ; he gave up 
sitting in his Privy Council, and left affairs to a small 
knot of men who were called ' his servants,' and whom 
we now call ' The Cabinet.' The result was that George II., 
who wanted to govern, was thwarted almost every time 
he tried ; though no doubt the personal preferences 
of the Kings, or still more often their personal hatreds, 

1 An exception must, however, be made at least in the son's 
case ; he could appreciate and patronize the music of Handel. 


had always to be noticed by the real governors. Both 
Kings also exercised some influence on the Army, and 
occasionally made good appointments in it ; George II. 
had a truly German passion for designing uniforms. In 
Hanover, of course, both were absolute sovereigns. 
Says Carteret to George II., in the ballad (1742), 

Then cock your great hat, strut and bounce and look bluff, 
For, though kicked and cuffed here, you shall there kick and cuff ; 

and George answers — 

you shall do 

Whatever you like ; give me troops to review ! 

The Tories being defeated, and more than half 
legitimists at heart, the Cabinets consisted entirely of 
Whigs, and the triumphant Whigs at once grasped 
the principle (since too often thought to be the main- 
spring of parliamentary life) of ' government by party.' 
Of this the first rule was now laid down — no Tory 
shall hold any office ; to the victors the spoils. But, 
as there were not spoils enough for all the victors, there 
soon appeared several successive schisms in the Whig 
camp, and a * Whig out of place ' was almost obliged 
to join the Tories in baiting the ' Whigs in place.' Place, 
Office, a job, was what each sought, and the Great Council 
of the Empire became mainly an avenue for greedy men 
towards lucrative jobs. The patronage at the disposal 
of a Minister was enormous, and was mainly bestowed 
in return for votes given in his support in Parliament 
or at elections. Capable officers were dismissed from 
regiments because they, or some friend of theirs, had 
voted against the Minister. This sort of thing, and not 
direct bribery, is what is meant by ' Parliamentary 
corruption.' One thing that made it easy was that a 


large number of seats in the Commons were at the 
disposal of a few rich men, who controlled the votes 
of the few electors in many boroughs ; thus we speak 
of the Duke of Newcastle ' owning ' the borough of 
Aldborough, and so on. If the Prime Minister can buy 
the rich Mr. Blank, by making him Lord Tomnoddy ; 
making him a Commissioner of the Tape-and-Sealing-wax 
Office ; giving him a contract to make army breeches ; 
decorating him with the riband of an Order ; making 
his brother a Bishop, his wife a Lady-in- Waiting, or his 
cousin Governor of Coventry Island, he will be able 
to buy with him the votes given in the Lower House 
by the honourable members for Eatanswill, Bishop's 
Cheetham, Rogueingrain and East and West Smuggleton, 
which boroughs do not contain twenty ' free and in- 
dependent electors ' apiece. He can, in fact, by such 
means purchase a majority in Parliament which may 
outlast many general elections, without spending a 
penny of his own money and with little expenditure of 
the Nation's. The worst of it is that a Nation so easily 
gets used to this kind of thing ; the tape and the sealing 
wax supplied by the new Commissioner are perhaps a 
little worse, the army breeches rather more shoddy, 
than when a creature of the last Government supplied 
them, but open ' scandals ' are rare. 

I do not for a moment suggest that the Georgian Whigs 
began this method of government ; if any one Minister 
began it, it was the Tory Danby ; it was the Tory Ministry 
of Harley that first ruthlessly excluded every Whig from 
office ; and that unblushing liar Bolingbroke, who spent 
his old age in denouncing Party and writing treatises 
for a * Patriot King who should abolish Party Govern- 
ment,' had been the fiercest Tory partisan while in, and 


the most shameless Leader of Opposition while out of 
Office. But I think the Georgian Whigs were the first 
who erected Party into a system, and claimed that it 
was inseparable from our form of free government ; and 
the astounding thing is that one of the greatest of philo- 
sophers, Edmund Burke, treated this idea as an axiom. 
We have gone on believing it ever since. Nowadays, 
of course, when Mr. Blank no longer nominates the 
member for Rogueingrain, and when there are more 
electors in the borough of Eatanswill than there were in 
broad Scotland, regnante Georgio I., you, in order to keep 
your party in office, don't bribe Mr. Blank ; but you 
do something much more disastrous in its consequences ; 
you bribe the electors themselves by appealing directly 
to their pockets or their fads, at the expense of the 
pockets or the fads of some other class of men — e.g., you 
want to win an election in a borough where you are told 
there are a group of fools who object to vaccinating 
their children, and so, in order to bribe that borough, 
you risk the health of Great Britain and bring in a Bill 
to make vaccination optional ; or again, in order to win 
the votes of the improvident classes all over England, 
you pass an Act to give every one a pension of five shillings 
a week at the age of seventy. From your own point of 
view you are absolutely right ; such a gift as this will 
probably keep you and your kind in office indefinitely, 
or until the other party outbids you by promising to 
raise the pension to ten shillings. But what about 
Diva Britannia ? What will she say when she gets 
hold of you, as she will some day ? Eighteenth Century 
Ministers were at least spared that sort of degradation ; 
indeed, one of their great merits is that they legislated 
so little. 


But to recur to our Whig of the Age of Wigs ; he was 
for King George as against King James mainly because 
he knew that King James would turn him and his col- 
leagues out of office, and so he was able to pose to himself 
as a representative of the principles of the ' Glorious 
Revolution ' of 1688, now rapidly crystallizing into a 
legend. This also meant that he was a supporter of 
Parliamentary Government as against Royal Govern- 
ment. And so far he was right, in that government by 
the British aristocracy, even of that day, was likely 
to be a good deal better than the personal government 
of George or James would have been. He was also 
supposed to be anti-French, and a strong protectionist, 
and to rely on ' the City ' rather than on the country 
gentlemen. He ate several of these principles, and was, 
I think, prepared to eat more, in obedience to the dic- 
tates of Party Government. But there were limits to 
his partisanship : if the honour of Britain were too 
deeply wounded, the national defence too scandalously 
neglected, if the trade of Britain were seriously crippled, 
his compliance with the guilty Minister would break off 
short ; and, though there were many individual in- 
stances of genuinely unpatriotic factiousness, it was not 
till the French Revolution had instilled its poison into 
Europe that it became a settled policy of one whole 
Party to hamper the other in its defence of national 
existence and honour. 

This reflection leads us to consider for a moment the 
position of Great Britain on the map of Europe. In 
spite of the Peace of Utrecht, her rivalry with France 
remained the greatest factor in European politics, a 
rivalry due to past history and to new commercial 
jealousy ; a rivalry in North America, in the West 

158 FOREIGN POLITICS, 1714-30 

Indies, in the East Indies, in the Mediterranean, 
above all in Belgium. But, for twenty-five years after 
the death of Louis XIV., France was not in a position 
to make this rivalry effective. She had been very 
hard hit by the late war. The throne of her young 
and delicate King, Louis XV., was coveted by his 
uncle Philip of Spain. It therefore suited successive 
French Ministers, especially the pacific Cardinal Fleury 
(1726-43), to keep on the best possible terms with George, 
and to maintain the recent settlement of Utrecht. To 
maintain this settlement, which gave such an opening 
for British commerce, was also the greatest desire of 
successive British Ministries ; and the chief difficulty in 
maintaining it lay, for each Great Power, in the task 
of keeping its Allies quiet. Now alliances after Utrecht 
should naturally have lain as they had lain before it, i.e., 
England, Austria and Holland against France and Spain. 
But the tie that bound each client to its patron was 
of the loosest, and was liable to snap at any moment. 

Perhaps the situation can be best explained by a 
parable. There are two dogmasters, England and 
France. Each owns a quarrelsome dog. The dogs 
have been fighting for a rich plate of bones (the 
old Spanish Monarchy), and each master has helped 
his own dog. In 1713 the masters, grown weary, 
have agreed to divide the food between the dogs ; 
they have left the richest part to the Spanish dog, 
Philip, but have detached some juicy morsels, called 
Naples, Sardinia, Milan, Belgium for the Austrian dog 
Charles. The English dogmaster has not been above 
picking a bone or two (Minorca, Gibraltar, the trade 
with Spanish America) for himself. It is the dogs, not 
the masters, who are discontented at the Peace and the 


allotment ; they are still straining at their chains and 
barking furiously. The peace of Dame Europa's yard 
is not improved by the fact that two sturdy little un- 
owned puppies, called Prussia and Savoy, are frisking 
about in it, ready to snap up anything they can get ; 
two quite useful Italian bones have fallen to Savoy 
(Sicily and a bit of Milan) , and have whetted his appetite 
for more. And there is always the danger that the dogs 
may stop snarling at each other and join to bite their 
masters. Till 1729, when Louis XV. has a son, Philip 
thinks he may one day be not only dog but master 
(i.e., King of France) also. Charles is probably the more 
discontented of the dogs ; not only does he continue 
till 1725 to call himself King of Spain, but he says, with 
some truth, ' out of my Belgian bone my master has 
sucked all the marrow, for his stupid Treaty forbids me 
to develop Belgian commerce, lest Antwerp should rival 
London ' : Philip on his side profoundly resents the 
redcoats sitting on his Rock of Gibraltar. And so, ' Was 
it for this ? etc., etc.,' is the repeated snarl of each dog ; 
to which the two masters have little to reply but ' Get 
you back to your kennels ! ' 

Endless Treaties and shifts are devised by the masters 
for the purpose of keeping their dogs quiet ; but slowly, 
slowly the conviction dawns on the mind of each that he 
may be sacrificing his own as well as his dog's interest 
by too ldng continuance of the Peace. On each side of 
the Channel are not wanting ' patriots ' who say that 
this is so ; and, after 1733, when France does get into 
a war against Austria, there is a thunderous cry in 
England that we are ' deserting our own dog.' Such 
cry becomes part of the stock-in-trade of ' the Opposi- 
tion ' in the British Parliament. George II. is often 


inclined to agree with it. But, deeper than rivalry with 
France or than any other English interest, lies at the 
heart of both Georges a real love and a real fear for 
Hanover, and of this every English Minister is obliged 
to take account. The strongest cards a Peace Minister 
can play are, ' If we are neutral France will not touch 
Hanover ' ; and, ' If we go to war we must defend 
Hanover.' And the Opposition answers, ' So, whether 
we fight or don't fight, the interests of this great Kingdom 
are subservient to those of a beggarly Electorate.' 
Naturally the Opposition have the popular ear, for 
Hanover is loathed. More than once schemes were afoot, 
one so late as 1741, for separating it from Great Britain 
and settling it on a younger son of George II. Lord 
Chesterfield wittily suggested presenting it to King 
James III., as a safe means of defeating James' claim 
on Britain, " for," said he, " the English will never 
endure another King from that country." The Memoirs 
of the day are full of stories about the rapacity of the 
small clique of Hanoverian courtiers and officials — 
Robethon, George I.'s French secretary, Bothmar, who 
stole the candles in the Government offices, Bernstorff, 
who remained in England ' the power behind the throne ' 
till 1732, Munchausen, a relation of the celebrated 
traveller of that name. English countesses found that 
German ladies were fond of borrowing, and less fond 
of returning their diamonds. But on the whole 
Hanoverian influence doesn't come to very much. 

When we turn to details, we find George's first Ministry 
to be composed of two sections of Whigs, Lord Townshend 
and his brother-in-law, Sir Robert Walpole, on one side, 
and Lord Sunderland and General Stanhope on the 
other. Each is set, more or less, on trying to trip up the 


other. Their first job is an attempt to take vengeance 
on the late Ministry, especially on Oxford and Boling- 
broke ; they have also to deal with the first Jacobite 
Rising in Scotland, of which I shall treat in a later chapter. 
Oxford is sent to the Tower, where he practises laying 
his head on the block. Bolingbroke flies to France, 
where he serves, and soon betrays King James III. 
Stanhope negotiates, in 1716, a Treaty with France, 
which really lasts till 1730. A most useful measure, 
the * Riot Act ' of 1716, is passed ; formerly any use of 
' force unlawfully directed against authority ' had been 
apt to be treated as treason, and the lesser crime of 
' riot ' is now defined. For London was in a disturbed 
state throughout George I.'s reign, and especially during 
the Rising of 1715 and the trials of the prisoners engaged 
in it. Jacobite recruiting officers swarmed even in the 
military camp in Hyde Park ; for several years there 
was grave disaffection in the Guards, and escapes from 
prison were always favoured by the mob. The Jacobites 
of London — a noisy, vaporous crew, when compared to 
the real legitimists in Scotland — had their own special 
haunts, e.g. the North side of Pall Mall, the ' Walnut 
Tree Walk ' in Hyde Park, and their own ' mug houses ' 
on Ludgate Hill, as the Whigs had theirs in Cheapside 
and Newgate. Street fights between gangs of hooligans, 
calling themselves Jacobites and Whigs, were continual. 
Executions, even of ordinary criminals — the first 
Wednesday in each month was hanging-day at Tyburn — 
and Parliamentary elections were also scenes of con- 
tinual riots. 

Another good measure of 1716 is the Act for Septennial 
Parliaments. Passed merely to defer a general election 
till more quiet times, it became a bulwark of the Con-. 

VOL. Ill it 


stitution ; for, if a Parliament, elected for three years 
only, can deliberately prolong its own existence for 
four more, it is obvious that an Act of Parliament can 
do anything, and that the Houses are in no way re- 
sponsible to the electors, as modern Radicals love to 
assert that they are. It sounds strange to our ears to 
hear that a newspaper of 1722 complained of the ' new 
practice ' of appointing ' meetings of the Gentlemen of 
the Counties to solicit votes for the Election of a new 
Parliament before the old one has expired,' . . . ' a 
most scandalous method and evident token of Corruption ; 
. . . the very names of the Candidates are published, 
and the votes of the Freeholders are solicited in the 
Publick Prints ! ' 

These two Acts, however, are not a bad record for 
Townshend's Ministry, and he and Walpole ' went 
out ' in 1717 because they rightly refused to second 
George's desire to fight Russia on some trumpery German 
question. Walpole at once went into vigorous opposi- 
tion, and criticized all Government measures quite as 
much as the Tories did. His late colleagues gave him 
plenty to criticize. They brought in, in 1719, a ' Peerage 
Bill,' which was to restrict the King's power of creating 
Peers. It would have made the House of Lords a close 
oligarchy and been fatal to constitutional government. 1 
Walpole fought vigorously, and threw out the Bill by a 
large majority in the Commons. Less reasonably he 
criticized the foreign policy of this ' German Ministry,' 
which was marked by an Anglo-French whipping of 

1 The existing number was then 207, of whom 26 were Bishops 
and 16 Scottish representative Peers, elected by the whole Peerage 
of Scotland. Sunderland's Bill proposed to have 25 Scottish 
hereditary Peers and a total of 222. 


the Spanish dog back to his kennel. The troops of 
George I. were led by a son of James II. (Marshal 
Berwick) to assist the French Regent in preventing 
the King of Spain from restoring James III. to his British 
throne ; so the situation was not without humour. 
Admiral Byng blew a Spanish Fleet out of the water off 
Sicily, and Gibraltar successfully withstood its second 
long siege. But George and Stanhope were quite ready 
to surrender that Rock, had not young Lord Carteret 
prevented them. 

Walpole also vigorously denounced the financial 
recklessness of the Government. The South Sea Com- 
pany, formed to trade, under the Treaty of Utrecht, 
with Spanish America, was a flourishing, and at first 
a perfectly sound concern. But in 1719 the shares 
became ' inflated ' beyond their real value ; a mania 
for speculation set in and carried away half the rich, 
and many of the poor people of England. The Govern- 
ment actually proposed to make over to the South Sea 
Company the management of the National Debt. Some 
of its members were suspected of criminal connivance 
in this ' bubble.' The King's mistresses had gambled 
and gained heavily in South Sea stock ; so had the 
Prince and Princess of Wales. Stanhope's hands were 
probably clean, Carteret's certainly ; Sunderland's were 
not, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer had actually 
committed fraud. Walpole, while denouncing the whole 
thing, had invested heavily, and made a great fortune 
by selling out just before the bubble burst, which was 
in September, 1720. Sunderland had been obliged to 
readmit him to office, and his great financial skill 
enabled him to pull the country out of this very awkward 
scrape, in which thousands of persons were ruined. On 


February 21 Stanhope died suddenly, another Minister 
committed suicide, and Sunderland soon resigned office. 
Then Walpole's long tenure of power began in earnest ; 
Townshend came back with him, and for a time Carteret 

Walpole, while expressly repudiating the name, was 
the first real ' Prime Minister ' in English history, 
although Swift uses the term in speaking of Harley. 
Once, in Walpole's own Government, such an office was 
declared to be ' inconsistent with the Constitution/ 
But Walpole was the first man to base all his power 
on a definite majority in the House of Commons, and 
his system has grown until a man who has such a majority 
can almost act as dictator. And he was the first to 
be master in his own Cabinet, and to thrust out of it 
ruthlessly all who could not agree to his policy. How 
much of this was political foresight, how much mere 
personal jealousy, is not easy to decide. He soon 
became profoundly jealous of Carteret, and sent him to 
govern Ireland, 1724. Next year Sir William Pulteney, 
a most brilliant and unprincipled debater, had to go ; 
then Walpole's own honest but hot-headed brother-in- 
law, Lord Townshend ; next, Lord Chesterfield ; in fact, 
almost every able man who served with Walpole was 
successively dismissed. There was one exception ; the 
name of Philip Yorke, Earl of Hardwicke, who became 
Chancellor in '36 and held that office for twenty years, 
deserves to be rescued from oblivion, not only for his 
invaluable services as an exponent of the principles of 
English Equity, but as the ' wisest of the Whigs/ the 
man who poured oil on troubled waters and mediated 
between all sections of the Whig party. But, except 
Townshend, all the dismissed Whigs went into fierce 


opposition, and, long before Walpole's fall in '42, 
one-third of each House was a mob of disappointed 
and factious men yelling for the Minister's impeach- 
ment. Of the remaining two-thirds of the Commons, 
partly by the systematic methods of corruption 
which I have sketched above, partly by his supreme 
financial ability, and partly by his placable and perfect 
temper, Walpole remained complete master almost to 
the end. 

As for his foreign policy, it was mere hand-to-mouth, 
and he disgracefully starved both the Services ; he 
allowed the King's mistresses to job commissions in 
both until, as Chesterfield said, ' Mrs. Salmon's wax- 
work figures would be an excellent substitute for the 
British Army' (1736). To keep on good terms with 
France without an absolute breach with Austria was 
the summum bonum of his policy ; for the rest, let us 
have a Congress — any number of Congresses — which will 
put off the evil day ; if Hanover is threatened, subsidize 
German troops to defend it. Luckily for England, 
Cardinal Fleury governed France much upon the same 
lines. In 1725 there was a bad threat of war ; the 
Spanish and Austrian dogs made a compact to go and 
bite their masters ; and Gibraltar endured its third 
siege in 1727. A fresh Treaty with France and with 
the rising power of Prussia frightened off the dogs ; 
but as for equipping an English Fleet or Army, Walpole 
had no thought of it. In 1733 France and Austria went 
to war, and George was madly keen to support Austria ; 
but Walpole choked him off by telling him that a war 
with France meant the certainty of a Jacobite rising 
at home. And so 

Our cannons mouldered on the seaward wall, 


and, when war did come, in '39, Great Britain was without 
a single Ally or a single good wish in Europe. 

On June 14th, 1727, George, Prince of Wales, was 
taking his after-dinner sleep in his villa at Richmond 
when Sir Robert Walpole knocked loudly at his bedroom 
door, to tell him that his father had died suddenly and 
that he was George II. George II. came out, holding 
his breeches in his hand, and said, " Dat is von dam 
lie," but told Walpole, for whom till now ' rogue ' and 
' rascal ' had been his favourite names, to take his orders 
from a nonentity called Compton, whom he, George, 
intended to make Minister. But Walpole had long ago 
made friends with the Princess of Wales, Caroline of 
Anspach, Jeanie Deans' Queen Caroline. She was a 
woman of extraordinary intellectual power and of iron 
will, reproducing many of the good and bad traits of 
her Prussian kindred ; equally at home in talking the 
coarsest scandal of the most vulgar Court in Europe, 
and in philosophical discussion with the greatest in- 
tellects of the age. It is small wonder that she ruled 
her silly, pompous, ignorant, irascible, low-bred, un- 
faithful husband ; the astonishing thing is that she 
should have cared to rule him, and should have 
stooped to pay court to his mistresses ; that she 
should have tortured herself, when dying, to walk 
with him who never asked after her health, and 
should have put up with his infinitely boring small 
talk and his maddeningly methodical habits, for seven 
or eight hours every day. That such a woman, half 
cynic and half stoic and completely emancipated from 
convention, loved power for its own sake, it is difficult 
to believe ; perhaps, after all, she sought it from 
a real sense of royal duty. In several respects she is 


not unlike her dreadful nephew, Frederick the Great 
of Prussia. 

Walpole thoroughly understood her, and, through 
her, impressed his will on the King. Before the reign 
was a week old he had completely secured his position 
by offering to procure for George a Civil List larger by 
£100,000 a year than that which Compton had suggested ; 
and, though it cannot be said that George ever liked 
his Minister personally, he grew accustomed to him and, 
on the whole, supported him faithfully. By and by he 
had to support him against such an Opposition as had 
not been since Shaftesbury's time. The strings of this 
were pulled by Lord Bolingbroke, who, by a heavy 
bribe to a royal mistress and by the betrayal of King 
James' secrets, had won in 1724 a partial pardon, which 
restored him to his estates but not to his seat in the 
Lords. In 1726 he and Pulteney founded a witty news- 
paper called the Craftsman, which devoted itself entirely 
to attacks on the Ministry and especially on the personal 
character of the Minister, whom it openly accused of 
peculation. In the case of both these men mere spite 
and faction were the causes of their opposition. But it 
was quite otherwise with Carteret. This true statesman, 
from whom, indeed, William Pitt learned the lesson of 
the position which Britain might and ought to claim, 
was the real inheritor of the policy of Marlborough 
and William III. It is quite possible to argue that, 
for that very reason, he was out of place in the reign 
of George II. Descended from two great Tory and 
legitimist families, he was never for a moment anything 
but the staunchest of Whigs ; and his Whiggery was 
due to his wide outlook on European politics, and 
perhaps to his contempt for the St. John-Harley gang, 


which was in office when he first took his seat in the 
Lords. To others politics were either a mere social 
game or a means of advancing their private interests ; 
to Carteret they meant an earnest study of European 
problems, and a search for the means which would 
maintain at their highest pitch the honour and interest 
of Great Britain. He had never sat in the Lower House, 
which he took no pains to understand ; his temper was 
too lofty and his hands too clean to manage its rank 
and file, and, as without such management no Minister 
could then govern, Carteret failed. 

' Frank with the mirth of souls divinely strong,' and 
not only a master of all civilized modern languages, but 
one of the greatest Greek scholars of the age, he was 
always reading Demosthenes, or writing to learned Ger- 
mans to procure Homeric texts for his friend Bentley, 
when he ' ought to have been studying the Court 
Almanac ' to learn how to acquire backstairs influence. 
But it would be a great mistake to think of him 
as a man without ambition. He believed himself, as 
William Pitt believed himself, capable of leading 
Englishmen, and desired to do so ; to him, as to Pitt, 
the House of Bourbon was the Enemy to be incessantly 
watched, and watched in arms. He opposed Walpole, 
after 1730, not from factious motives, but because he 
saw that Walpole was letting England drift ; " There 
never was a Government," he once said," which had 
so much power and so little authority." 

Then there was Sir William Wyndham, the leader in 
the Commons of the Tory country gentlemen, at heart 
a Jacobite, and deeply compromised in 1715, but much 
under the spell of Bolingbroke, whose ideas he reflected 
in Parliament. Then there was ' honest Shippen,' the 


leader of the avowed Jacobites, who never voted with- 
out consulting his King over the water ; " whoever is 
corrupt," said the placable Walpole, " Shippen is not." 
There was Pulteney, the very essence of factious 
Whiggery out of place, a disappointed man, who, when 
he did get a chance (in 1744), dared not grasp his 
opportunity, and betrayed his friends. There was 
Philip Stanhope, Earl of Chesterfield, who had inherited 
the wit and polish of his grandfather, the great Halifax, 
but not his character ; a gambler, a rake, an orator 
and a skilful pamphleteer, no one trusted him, and if 
he had held office he could never have acted in concert 
with any one ; but every one dreaded him, as he 
was believed to be writing memoirs of his own times. 
Finally there was the group of ■ boy patriots,' Grenvilles, 
Cobhams, Lytteltons and, after 1735, William Pitt. 
That the latter afterwards became a true leader of men 
cannot palliate the fact that the first twenty years of 
his public life were marked only by unblushing factious- 
ness. Able as were his comments upon the conduct of 
the war of 1739, and lofty as his hatred of corruption 
undoubtedly was, it can yet not be denied that he 
made his name by denouncing in sonorous periods every 
measure of Walpole's, good or bad ; directly Walpole 
was upset he played an identical game against Carteret, 
and then successively against every one who excluded 
him from office. For office he cringed to every one, even 
to the King's reigning mistress. 

From the year '29 a rallying point was given to this 
miscellaneous Opposition by the arrival in England of 
Frederick, Prince of Wales, cetat. 22, ' a puppy,' as his 
father rightly called him. Father and mother hated 
him and he hated them back, and so he threw open 


Leicester House to the anti-Walpoleans, and promised 
them all sorts of fine things when he should become 
King, a dispensation which Heaven mercifully averted 
from Great Britain. He demanded of his father an 
income and a wife, got the latter (a Princess of Saxe 
Gotha) and grumbled at £50,000 a year for the former, 
though one would have thought it enough for such 
a fellow. 

Against this powerful coterie Sir Robert fought, session 
after session, with a dogged determination and a courage 
which must always inspire admiration. He had no 
popularity outside Parliament, though ' the City ' had 
great confidence in his financial ability ; he had no 
family connections, being only a plain and very coarse 
Norfolk squire. With the exception of Hardwicke his 
colleagues in the Cabinet were, at the best, industrious 
mediocrities like Harrington, Pelham and Newcastle. 
He had no real hold on the King, who listened eagerly 
to Carteret's foreign schemes. In fact he had but one 
ally, the Queen, and, when she died, commending with 
her last breath King and kingdom to his care, his 
power began to wane. In fact Walpole found his best 
ally in his own industry, his own easy temper, his 
own mastery of the details of home affairs and of par- 
liamentary tactics. And England owes to him one or 
two measures of the first financial importance. 

In the first place, he began a systematic reduction of 
the high Customs duties on many important articles, 
especially on the raw materials for manufacture ; and 
he abolished all duties levied on exports. In the second 
place, though he paid off little of the principal of the 
National Debt, he reduced the rate of interest on it from 
six to five, and finally to four per cent. ; his successors 


soon reduced it to three and a half ; and he established, 
on a really sound basis, a ' Sinking Fund ' towards pay- 
ing off the Debt, although his political necessities subse- 
quently compelled him to devote this fund to other 
purposes. In the third place, he began to relax the 
restrictions which compelled our Colonies to send their 
chief products wholly to Britain, but, when it was sug- 
gested that he should tax the Colonies, he shrewdly 
repudiated the idea. In the fourth place, by the 
extreme lightness of his land tax he did much to 
reconcile the country gentlemen to the Hanoverian 
dynasty, yet without allowing taxes to fall heavily on 
the merchants ; landowners, he said, are like sheep 
who patiently submit to be sheared, so don't shear 
them too close ; merchants are like pigs, who squeal 
when you touch them. In the fifth place, he began 
to introduce a system of ' bonded warehouses ' in our 
ports, to which foreign products could be brought for 
storage free of duty ; if they were re-exported they 
paid no duty, but paid only if they were ' taken out 
of bond ' and sold in England. Walpole carried this 
measure as regards tea and coffee, but when he pro- 
posed a similar plan for wine and tobacco and called 
the tax to be paid on them ' an Excise,' he raised 
such a storm as nearly upset him. It was a storm 
about a mere name ; ' the liberties of England would 
perish ' if the functions of the Exciseman, already since 
1661 well known to brewers, were to operate on vintners 
and tobacconists also : — 

This dragon Excise has ten thousand eyes 
And five thousand mouths to devour us, 

A sting and sharp claws, with wide gaping jaws, 
And a belly as big as a storehouse j 


When once, the song goes on, we have fed him with wine 
and tobacco — 

Grant these, and the glutton will roar out for mutton, 

Your beef and your bacon to boot, 
Your goose, pig and pullet, he'll thrust down his gullet, 

While the labourer munches a root. 

Obviously the measure, if carried, would not only have 
diminished smuggling, but enormously increased the 
oversea trade of Britain, whose ' free ports ' would have 
become the markets of the World. Walpole in 1733 
bowed to the storm and withdrew the measure. The 
younger Pitt afterwards carried it without opposition. 

The result of these measures was that the public credit 
stood very high, and the foreign and colonial trade of 
Britain developed rapidly. But a heavy price was paid 
for this. It must always remain an open question whether 
Walpole did not make a grave mistake in refusing to 
come to the assistance of Austria, when France and 
Spain attacked her in 1733 ; for it was her failure in this 
war which led her enemies to attack her in 1740. My 
own quarrel with Walpole is not so much for this mis- 
take as for not being, then and always, prepared for 
war. King George was always dying to go to war in 
order to exhibit his one really good quality, personal 
bravery, but always, too, he was drawn back by that 
fear for beloved Hanover. After Caroline's death the 
chance came only too soon. In 1737 a petition of London 
merchants called the attention of Parliament to the fact 
that Spanish coastguards in America too often mis- 
handled British subjects (either traders under the Treaty, 
or smugglers, who abounded) and exercised a tyrannical 
' right of search ' for contraband goods in British ships. 

WAR WITH SPAIN, 1739 173 

In effect it was the old story of Drake's time. Spain had 
been obliged, by the Treaty, to open a crack of window 
into her mare clausum, and we were always striving to 
fling the window right up. Her colonists as well as 
ourselves profited immensely by the widening of the 
crack, and Spain was foolish to try to close it. Was 
she in force enough, out there, to close it ? Clearly not, 
as long as she stood alone. But, if she took a bold line 
and shut the window with a bang, would she be long 
alone ? Her king was a Bourbon ; would not the arch- 
Bourbon, the King of France, come to his aid ? Was 
not France almost tired of a peace during which English 
commerce and colonization were expanding out of all pro- 
portion to her own. Though King Philip hated Cousin 
Louis, and Philip's savage wife hated him even 
more, there had already been one ' Family Compact ' 
between their Governments. From '33 to '35 they had 
fought together against Austria, and been victorious ; 
the Spanish dog had recovered two of his lost bones, 
Naples and Sicily. Old Fleury might be carried off his 
legs by the war party in Paris if only Spain took the 
high line. 

And in 1738 she began to take it. As Treaties stood 
she was probably within her rights, and Walpole was 
therefore right to seek, as he did, every possible form of 
compromise. There is, however, a point at which com- 
promise becomes scuttle, and, before that is reached, a 
great Minister will tear up Treaties. Walpole knew that 
war would mean his own fall, and he ought to have 
resigned office rather than declare it. Instead of 
that, after a Convention with Spain that was little 
short of humiliating for Britain, he declared war in 
'39, and struggled on for three more years with power 

174 FALL OF WALPOLE, 1742 

slipping from his hands at Court, in Cabinet, in City, 
in Parliament. 

By a stroke of luck, which no one had any right to 
expect, within a month of the declaration (December, 
'39), Admiral Vernon, with only six ships, captured Porto- 
bello on the Gulf of Mexico, but that was the limit 
of our success. Meanwhile the Opposition went, head 
down, at the Minister. Pitt clamoured against every 
measure of the war, as he had denounced those of the 
peace ; and Walpole's preparations were so inefficient 
that Pitt almost seemed to be justified. In February, '41, 
a most fiery demand was made in both Houses for Wal- 
pole's removal from the King's councils for ever ; it was 
silenced for the time, but a general election in the 
summer left the Minister with a vastly reduced majority. 
His own Cabinet intrigued against him, George went off 
to Hanover and deserted him, and, in February, '42, he 
was obliged to resign. Cries for impeachment and for 
his head — he was freely compared to Strafford — were at 
once raised, but, though a Parliamentary Committee sat 
for many months to enquire into his alleged crimes of 
peculation, it could get no serious evidence. 1 He was 
created Earl of Orford, and the King continued to consult 
him privately till his death in 1745. 

The war that had now begun and the year which we 
have now reached are to some extent a landmark in 
European and in English history. The Age of Wigs is 
not over, and faction will still be rampant for many years : 
but the Nation is beginning to awake in more ways than 
one. Great industrial changes, which I shall notice 

1 It is, however, a fact that officials of the ' Secret Service 
money ' refused to give evidence in the case, and were authorized 
by the King to refuse. 


elsewhere, are not far off. The renewed struggle with 
the House of Bourbon, soon to spread to all quarters of 
the globe, will on the one hand incline men to consider 
the infinite mischief of parliamentary squabbles and to 
look for a leader, and on the other hand, will end in the 
break up of the old system of Alliances and in a new basis 
for foreign policy. 

The war was popular at its commencement, and the 
Funds actually rose when it was declared, but it did 
not long remain popular. Our old friend the Emperor 
Charles VI., who once used to stay at Petworth (1703) 
and call himself Carlos III. of Spain, died in the 
autumn of '40, leaving his dominions, or such of them 
as he had power to leave, to his daughter Maria 
Theresa, recently married to Francis, who had just 
exchanged his old Duchy of Lorraine for his new 
Grand Duchy of Tuscany. The lady could not, of 
course, be elected King of Bohemia, still less Emperor 
(though apparently, because the Hungarian language 
has no word for Queen, she could be ' King ' of 
Hungary) ; there was much doubt whether she could 
even be Archduchess of Austria, or Duchess of Milan. 
See what a patchwork the Hapsburg dominions were, 
all held by different titles and passing by different 
rules of inheritance. But the possession of the Imperial 
title and of all these dominions by a Hapsburg, which 
had been continuous for over two centuries, seemed 
to be almost part of the public law of Europe, or at 
least the surest guarantee for European peace. So 
most reasonable people were prepared to tide over the 
difficulty and to say, ' let Maria's husband be elected 
Emperor and King of Bohemia, and let the pair of 
them rule in all the old dominions of her father.' 


George II. held this view very strongly. Even France, 
the mortal foe of Austria, had recognized it in 
principle, and in all former wars, when she had been 
victorious she had been content to take, in a gentlemanly 
fashion, some frontier province such as Alsace (1648), 
Lorraine (1738), and not to seek to oust the Hapsburgs 
from their central dominions. 

Now, however, there stepped upon the scene a young 
man of twenty-nine who was not a gentleman, and who 
determined to base his policy on what Machiavelli calls 
1 the effectual truth of things,' which, reduced to its lowest 
terms, is apt to mean force. Frederick, to be one day 
called Frederick the Great, had been King of Prussia for 
six months when the old Emperor died. He was the 
nephew of George II., and their mutual hatred was worthy 
of their family traditions. He was known to be devoted 
to flute playing and to cheap French philosophy, and to 
possess a well-drilled Army of eighty thousand men, in 
which he was believed to take no interest. But within a 
month of Charles' death Frederick demanded of Maria 
the rich province of Silesia, and before she had time 
to gasp out an indignant refusal, he marched his men 
in and took it. Immediately up started, all over 
Europe, claimants to the unfortunate lady's dominions, 
Bavaria, generally a ' French traitor ' in Germany, being 
the chief of them. The war party in France was 
delighted, blew the flame, carried Fleury off his legs 
and made him conclude a Treaty with Frederick. Some 
of the Electors chose Charles of Bavaria as Emperor, 
and he vapoured for four years as Charles VII. 1 Maria 
fell back upon her Hungarians. She was a warrior 

1 The wits of the day said of him that he was Et Ccesar et 


Queen of dauntless spirit, and a ' perfect dear ' in 
private life, but, like other deeply wronged women, she 
was to prove an intractable Ally. King George was in a 
terrible fever ; she squealed to him for help, but, eager 
as he was to help her, his fear for Hanover got the better 
of his courage, and he was content with pouring into 
her lap English subsidies, which Walpole, not yet fallen, 
allowed him to do. All '41 things looked very black for 
Maria. They looked black for England too ; huge 
bounties entirely failed to attract recruits to the colours, 
and impressment, for the Army as well as for the Navy, 
was soon the rule. Admiral Vernon, with 100 sail and 
12,000 troops, miserably failed to take Carthagena. From 
Admiral Anson, who was sailing round the World in the 
Centurion, to raid the Pacific coasts of Spain, no good 
news had yet been heard. Spain on her own account 
flew at the Austrians in Italy ; France had to help her 
there, and it was only a question of months before 
France would help her also against England. 

Then Walpole fell, and George had at last got 
a statesman to stiffen his back. The reconstructed 
Ministry of '42, nominally under Lord Wilmington and 
Pulteney and still containing Newcastle, Pelham, Hard- 
wicke and several other old Walpoleans, was really for 
two years in the hands of Lord Carteret, now Secretary 
of State. To him, we know, France was the enemy, 
Germany always the friend ; and by Germany he didn't 
mean the ' beggarly Electorate ' of Hanover, but a 
reunited Teutonic Nation. To effect this reunion, and 
especially to reconcile Frederick and Maria, he bent all 
his efforts and was partially successful ; in June, '42, 
Maria agreed to the cession (she meant it to be only a 
temporary one) of Silesia, and Frederick at once dropped 

VOL. Ill 12 


his French Allies. Hungarian Armies — ' bonny fighters ' 
— started from the East, and a French-Bavarian invasion 
of Bohemia was rolled back. Carteret sent old Lord 
Stair, a veteran of Marlborough's wars, with sixteen 
thousand English troops to Flanders. If only those 
sluggish Dutch could be galvanized into undertaking the 
defence of that province, Stair could be thrown on to 
the retreating French Army somewhere on the Main or 
the Danube, and could smash it up ; but all '42 the 
Dutch refused to budge. Carteret was very ill backed up 
by his own Cabinet, and Pitt and his yelping throng de- 
nounced him as ' sold to Hanover ' ; but he stuck to his 
plan, and, in February '43, Stair, reinforced by powerful 
Austrian and Hanoverian contingents, and following 
Marlborough's old route, though not with Marlborough's 
swiftness or secrecy, marched Southwards. By May he 
had only reached the Main, and there he stayed, till in 
mid- June George himself arrived and took over the 

Now we were still supposed not to be ' at war ' with 
France, but only an ' Auxiliary ' of Austria. France 
said she was only an ' Auxiliary ' of Bavaria ! Neverthe- 
less we had got to cut off one large French Army, which 
under Marshal Noailles had been sent to relieve another 
large French Army retreating Rhinewards under Marshal 
Broglie. George had absolutely no head for strategy, 
and Stair, who was a good man, could get none of his 
orders obeyed. Our commissariat system was, thanks to 
Walpole, as defective as if John of Marlborough had never 
hanged a fraudulent contractor; and at the end of June 
we suddenly found ourselves starving, in a narrow wooded 
defile of the great river Main, with a French Army, 70,000 
strong to our 40,000, between us and our magazines at 


Hanau. The French held both banks of the river and 
quietly threw bridges between them ; then they encircled 
us, front, flank and rear, as in a mousetrap ; the narrow 
mouth of the trap was at the village of Dettingen. 
There were three choices before us : (a) to starve, (b) to 
surrender, (c) to cut our way through to Hanau. 

Noailles' plans were excellently laid, and, had he or 
his lieutenants been capable of executing them, it is hard 
to see how a man of us could have escaped. But the 
peace had been almost as fatal to French military educa- 
tion as to our own ; they had ' hardly a Brigadier who 
knew how to draw up his brigade.' Their leader in front 
at Dettingen charged when he ought to have stood firm, 
and so Noailles' heavy guns on the Southern bank of 
the river couldn't play upon the head of our column, 
lest they should shoot their own men as well as ours. 1 

Dapper King George was a fighter grim, 
With some English blood at heart of him, 
And a man of wrath, and a man of his fists, 
And a wrecker of orthodox strategists. 

His horse, unbroken to musketry fire, as English troop- 
horses were apt to be, bolted with him to the rear ; 

Then he cursed such cattle for cowardly brutes, 
And led us to the front in his big jack-boots. 2 

And one thing of Marlborough's teaching remained — our 
admirable volley firing, which blasted away whole regi- 
ments. For once, too, the French infantry, being badly 
led, failed to do its duty, and we won a complete 

1 The centre and rear of our column suffered heavily from 
these guns. 

2 Frank Taylor, in the Spectator, October 12th, 1907. 


victory ; the French loss was at least 8,000 — more than 
treble that of the Allies. 

Carteret was overjoyed, and worked hard for a union 
of all German Princes for the recovery of the provinces 
lost to France during the last two centuries. But Maria 
thought far more of taking signal vengeance on Bavaria, 
whose territory she now had within her grasp, than of 
German unity, for which she did not care two straws, 
and Frederick knew well that, if she were too victorious, 
his turn would come next ; he knew she always called 
him ' the wicked man.' German unity, in fact, was, for 
more than a century to come, a mere dream ; and, even 
now that it has been achieved, I have not heard that 
they have erected in Berlin a statue to Carteret, though 
they certainly owe him one. And in England, so un- 
popular was King George that not even his splendid 
valour at Dettingen could win his great Minister a 
moment's real authority, either in Cabinet or Parliament. 
So violent were the infamous ' patriots ' against Carteret 
that even old Walpole was moved to speak strongly in 
his favour in the Lords. Hence the results of Dettingen, 
most favourable to Austria, were to England simply nil, 
except that in '44 we screwed up courage to ' declare 
war ' on France. France indeed quickly recovered from 
the blow, concluded a close alliance with Spain, stood 
up bravely to Admiral Mathews off Toulon, 1 and 
prepared a great Fleet, with the Hope of the Stuarts on 

1 It is commonly said that Mathews was beaten, and it was 
not the fault of his subordinate, Admiral Lestock, that he was 
not. Mathews' signals were confused, and Lestock, who had a 
long-standing quarrel with Mathews, deliberately kept out of 
the fight. A Court Martial afterwards acquitted him and 
cashiered Mathews — most unjustly. The French lost one ship 
in the action, and were not inclined to renew it on the next day. 


board, for an invasion of England. On land she sent 
her ablest General, Marshal Saxe, to invade the old 
battle-ground of Flanders. Saxe swept up the frontier 
towns there at a great rate, and our old Marshal Wade, 
though by no means the ' grandmother ' that popular 
song called him, failed, all through '44, to get the 
Austrians to combine with him for the defence of their 
own Flemish territory. The truth is the Austrians 
never cared much for Flanders ; they were righting 
on the upper Rhine as well, and were very reasonably 
afraid of Frederick, who justified their fears by breaking 
with Maria and springing upon Bohemia in the autumn 
of '44. 

Meanwhile, on the death of Lord Wilmington, Henry 
Pelham, a vastly inferior Walpole, but a more adept 
briber and parliamentary jobber, had succeeded at the 
Treasury, and he and his brother, the Duke of New- 
castle — two toads against an eagle — never rested till they 
had got rid of Carteret. They deliberately intrigued with 
all sections of the Opposition, even with Pitt, and promised 
to all a share in the spoils of office. George yielded to 
them, sorely against his will (one begins almost to like 
George sometimes) , and the great statesman went back to 
read Demosthenes in November, '44. No more traitorous 
course could have been pursued than Pelham's. The 
projected French invasion had indeed failed and the 
plans of the Jacobites were put off for a time ; but 
every one could guess it was only for a short time. 
The safety of Britain, if indeed it were bound up with 
the maintenance of a German dynasty — and no Whig 
could be blamed for thinking it was — was deliberately 
jeopardized for the sake of giving certain greedy Whigs 
all the spoils of office. In seeking to combine Germany 

i82 THE WAR IN FLANDERS, 1745-48 

and England against France, Carteret had only been 
anticipating the design of Pitt to win colonies and 
commerce by tying France's hands in a Continental war. 
Even stupid George, little as he cared for England, or 
for Germany, except Hanover, could see that, and, in 
the next year, it was brought home to him and his 
new Minister in a tangible shape. 

Early in '45, leaving a garrison of barely 12,000 in 
Britain, Pelham sent 25,000 men to Flanders under 
William, Duke of Cumberland, George's second son. 
Austrians and Dutch unwillingly contributed as many 
more ; and in May this allied force suffered, at the hands 
of Saxe and Louis XV. at Fontenoy, one of the most 
glorious defeats in the history of the British Army. 
Again, as at Dettingen, we had to try to storm, by 
sheer English (and German) valour, an almost impossible 
position, and we almost did it. To us fell all the sad 
honour, and nearly all the loss of the action. 

Of the Scottish legitimist rising, which soon caused 
the recall of the remainder of the English Army from 
Flanders, you will read elsewhere ; but that recall 
enabled Saxe, in the next year, to sweep the Nether- 
lands from end to end, and to win the battle of 
Rocoux. In the year '47, when British troops were 
back again in the Netherlands, he had another victory 
at Lauffeldt. He was already knocking at the Dutch 
gates when, in '48, peace was somewhat hastily con- 
cluded. In more distant quarters of the globe, if we 
had lost Madras to the French, we, with the aid of 
our American Colonists, had taken the great out- 
work of French Canada, the fortress of Louisburg 
on the island of Cape Breton. In 1745 Frederick 
again made his peace with the angry Maria and 


retained her province of Silesia ; in that year, too, the 
Bavarian Charles having died, Maria's husband was 
peaceably elected Emperor. In Britain, if the English 
Jacobites proved, after thirty years of peace and 
plenty, to be but a broken reed for poor King Jamie to 
lean upon, and if they left Scotland to bleed for him 
gloriously but unaided, it was made tolerably clear that 
very few people cared to fight for King George. His 
Ministry showed that they cared as little for him as his 
people. Within a month of the serious defeat of his 
troops at Falkirk, February 10th, '46, Pelham and his 
friends came to George in a body and suddenly resigned 
their offices. Why ? Because they had promised that 
noisy man Pitt to get him a place, and King George had 
refused to give him one. Pitt threatened to make their 
lives as miserable as he had made Walpole's or Carteret's 
unless they got him one. The King sent for Carteret, 
who had now become Earl Granville, and for Pulteney, 
now Earl of Bath. Granville believed that he could free 
his King from this despicable thraldom, but Bath, who 
had faithfully promised to support him, turned tail after 
three days, and Granville's last chance was gone. The 
Pelhams returned, bringing with them Pitt as ' Vice- 
Treasurer for Ireland,' soon to be ' Paymaster of the 
Forces.' Except the case of Lord Sunderland in 1706 it 
was the first instance in which an absolutely detested 
man had been forced upon the Crown as a Minister by a 
family or party clique. It was an even deeper humilia- 
tion for the King than if Pitt had been called, as people 
sometimes say he was, by a ' popular cry ' ; in fact, what- 
ever he became hereafter, Pitt was now merely the 
nominee of the Grenvilles, Cobhams and Lytteltons, who 
could make things very unpleasant for any Ministry which 


refused them a share of the spoils. George, who by this 
time hated the whole gang of politicians, left them to do 
as they pleased : " It signifies," he said, " nothing to me, 
as my son, for whom I don't care a louse, will live long 
enough to ruin all." The news of Prince William's 
victory at Culloden reached London on April 25th, and 
there was a disgraceful scene of ' mafficking ' in the 
streets, which contrasted badly with the terror shown 
when the Highland army was at Derby in the previous 
December. For the last time the London mob, more 
Whig but not therefore less brutal than in 1716, enjoyed 
the spectacle of honourable gentlemen being cut up alive 
for loyalty to the ancient line of Kings and to an ancient 
political creed. But the sympathy of the educated 
classes, in spite of political indifferentism, was freely given 
at the trial of the loyalists in 1746, and 

Pitied by gentle minds Kilmarnock died; 
The brave, Balmerino, were on thy side. 

Even this wretched Government, however, shaken 
as it was by legitimist risings, and defeated as it was 
in Flanders, could not wholly curb the natural pro- 
pensities of English sailors to win naval victories and 
to take French prizes. Before the war closed, though 
there was no great naval action, the British Fleet had 
mysteriously doubled itself, while the Fleets of France 
and Spain had, less mysteriously, dwindled. Lord 
Anson, soon to prove a most efficient First Lord of the 
Admiralty, returned victorious from the Spanish Main, 
laden with untold booty. Hawke and Boscawen had 
begun their great careers, and Rodney was already a 
captain. The Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle (1748) was 
merely a truce between the two great Western Powers. 
Though it left most colonial and maritime questions in 

THE YEARS OF PEACE, 1748-56 185 

the status quo ante helium, and though we therefore 
restored Louisburg to France, we inflicted, in a land 
where prestige counts everything, a terrible blow to 
French prestige in India. by getting back Madras. As 
for the right of Spanish coastguards to search our ships 
in America, which had been the original casus belli, 
the Treaty said not a word. It is even more strange 
that Louis XV. quietly gave up all the vast conquests 
that Saxe had made for him in Flanders. 

The next six years are almost the quietest in Eighteenth 
Century history, and this at least says something for 
the conciliatory character, if not for the industry, of 
the brothers Pelham, though more perhaps for the 
wisdom of Lord Hardwicke. Dear old Lord Granville 
was readmitted to a nominal office in 175 1, that of 
President of the Council, and retained the position 
till his death in '62. Except as a mediator he seldom 
gave advice, but when he gave it, it was always on the 
side of the honour of his country ; henceforth the politics 
that interested him most were those of the Gods and 
Heroes of Greece. The most exciting home events were 
an attempt to naturalize Jews ; an excellent improvement 
(Hardwicke's) in the Marriage Laws, by which it was 
made difficult for a couple to get married without their 
parents' will, or, as had often happened, their own ; and 
a reform of the Calendar, which many unmathematical 
people believed to have diminished their lives by eleven 
days. 1 Various nonentities came and went, and offices 

1 England now at last adopted the Gregorian Calendar, according 
to which the year began on January 1st instead of March 25th. 
The old Roman Calendar, which we were still using, had got 
eleven days wrong ; eleven of the days of September, 1752, were 
now struck out. 


occasionally passed from Whig to Whig, but two deaths, 
those of Bolingbroke and Frederick, Prince of Wales, 
both in 175 1, took all the stiffening out of the Opposi- 
tion and the King seemed to have surrendered blindly 
to the Pelhams. Pitt remained Paymaster and quietly 
studied military questions ; he gained great and 
deserved honour, as well as popularity, by refusing to 
take, in addition to his large salary, the vast perquisites 
which previous Paymasters had taken. 

But, before the death of Henry Pelham, which in 
1754 broke up the halcyon period, the clouds were 
gathering thickly on the horizon. 



She calls, and her ships of battle, dragons her seas have bred, 
Glide out of Plymouth harbour and gather round Beachy Head : 
She wakes ! and the clang of arming echoes through all the earth, 
The ring of warriors' weapons, stern music of soldiers' mirth ; 
In the world there may be Nations, and there gathers round every 

The strength of Earth-born armies, but the Sea is England's own ; 
As she ruled, she sti' hall rule it from Plymouth to Esquimalt, 
As long as the wind^ e tameless, as long as the waves are salt. 

A strange Sea-Queen she has been sometimes, a very 
prosaic, mercantile Sovereign Lady ; at one time a 
busy bumboat woman— but anger her, and she is trans- 
formed into an armed mermaid. But it has always been 
so ; Mr. Ruskin, in his famous analogy of Tyre, Venice 
and England as the three successive Sea-Queens, ignores 
the fact that the hope of material gain is the one sure 
motive for maritime exploration and adventure, on 
which all Navies must be based. 

The middle of the century witnessed a great awakening 
of the Nation in many departments of life. In the 
spheres of religion, of manufacture, of sea-power, a new 
spirit was abroad, and the Britain that was to beat 
Napoleon was beginning to take shape. She was about 
to gird up her loins for a renewal of the secular contest 
with Napoleon's predecessors, the old story of littora 
littoribus contraria. It was not to be a War of Succession 

ri 7 


to this or that throne, or a war for the maintenance 
of some stupid German province, or even for the ' Balance 
of Power ' in Europe ; but a life and death struggle 
for mastery in the New World, in the Far East, and 
on the roads leading thereto. The Indian side of the 
business I must necessarily relegate to a separate 
chapter ; the American, which loomed largest to con- 
temporary eyes, needs some retrospect into the history 
of our Colonies, which we left as far back as 1660. 

During the ensuing ninety years our settlements in 
North America had passed from infancy to vigorous 
and exceedingly independent youth, so independent 
indeed, that, each on its own lines, they resisted a well- 
meant attempt of James II. to fuse them into one federa- 
tion and to appoint a single Governor over them. The 
English Parliament, when legislating on matters com- 
mercial, frequently treated them as a single unit and 
imposed, in the interest of the Mother Country, restric- 
tions upon their trade ; but it would not burn its fingers 
by interference in their internal concerns. The Colonial 
Legislatures were thus free to do much as they pleased, 
and they usually spent their time in quarrelling with 
their several Governors, especially when these asked 
them to vote money, even for defence against Spaniards, 
Dutch, Frenchmen or Red Indians. The seizure, during 
the wars of Charles II., of the Dutch territories, which 
became New York and New Jersey ; the settlement 
of the two Carolinas, the creation in 1682 of Penn- 
sylvania, as a Quaker province, with a Quaker Legislature 
(which thought it wicked to make war but not wicked 
to make money by selling guns to the enemy), and the 
carving out of the territory of Delaware in 1701, filled 
up the gap between New England and Virginia ; finally 


the foundation of Georgia by General Oglethorpe in 
1732 completed the famous ' Thirteen Colonies/ which 
thus occupied the seaboard space between French 
Canada and Spanish Florida. The population was by 
no means exclusively British ; Swedes, Dutch, ' per- 
secuted Palatines ' and other Germans were freely 
admitted. New York especially acquired a cosmopolitan 
character ; neither now nor at any other time did it 
receive a charter or any definite ' British institutions,' 
although the latter grew up spontaneously in that 

By the end of the Seventeenth Century the Colonists 
were already beginning to spread Westwards through 
the Alleghany Mountains, and they then began to find 
themselves confronted by rivals very different from the 
Red Indians. The occupation by France of the valley 
of the St. Lawrence, with its dependencies insular 
and peninsular, such as Newfoundland, Cape Breton 
and Acadia, was on the whole more intelligently con- 
ceived than the settlement of British America. The 
French Colony was administered as a whole, and was 
governed and well equipped from a military point of 
view ; great statesmen such as Richelieu, Colbert and 
Seignelay devoted attention to it ; great pioneers like 
Frontenac, La Salle and La Galissoniere were its 
Governors ; and these perhaps foresaw, as no English 
statesman did, that America would one day be a battle- 
ground between the two Nations. The despotic govern- 
ment was powerful enough to override mercantile and 
provincial jealousies ; and, while British Colonists were 
often on the edge of rebelling, the population of Canada 
was always loyal to the French Crown. France also 
enforced better treatment of the Red Men, as she did 


of her slaves in the West Indies, whereas no British 
Governor dared to interfere with the sacred right of a 
freeborn Briton to flog his own property, nor even to 
remonstrate when pious Dissenters proposed to extermi- 
nate the Red Men by selling them blankets infected with 
smallpox. In an age when Protestant missions to the 
heathen were all but unknown, the French Jesuits showed 
the same untiring zeal and devotion in the New World 
as in China. The gayer nature of the French people led 
them to drink, dance and intermarry with the natives 
— even to dress, as Frontenac once did, in their war- 
paint and feathers, — but the dour Briton thought shame 
to do such things, which he classed with the ritual of 
Popery, so appealing to the Indians, as ' monkey- tricks.' 
The result was that the French won the sympathy, and 
often the terrible help of the forest-children, as our people 
never did. 1 

But in spite of these advantages the population of 
Canada was of very slow growth. Where British 
America may have had (say 171 3) half a million of 
Colonists, New France had not one-tenth of that number ; 
and the cession of Acadia and Newfoundland to us in 
that year increased the disparity. The distaste for 
emigration remained, as it remains, rooted in the French 
people, and so Canada became a fur-trading and 
military settlement, but hardly an agricultural one. 
Even in the fur trade the Briton, better supplied from 
home, cut out the Frenchman ; he had articles for sale 
(including the firewater of the Paleface, of which the 
sale to Indians was prohibited in New France) which 

1 But when all North America was ours the Red Men came to 
realize that only the British Government could protect them 
against the British Colonists. 


his customers really coveted very much ; and in America, 
if nowhere else, the axiom that ' trade follows the flag ' 
was reversed. 

But, if the lilies and the leopards were to go to war, 
the geographical situation of New France gave her 
three excellent ' jumping-off places.' In 1682 La Salle 
had made a wonderful journey of 5,000 miles from 
the Great Lakes to the Mississippi mouth, and had 
founded the settlement of New Orleans ; from that date 
his idea of occupying the valleys of the Ohio and the 
Mississippi, and so of cramping the Westward advance 
of British America, was never absent from French minds. 
Again, France might strike at New York or Boston by 
the shorter route down the ' Little Lakes ' and the 
river Hudson ; and finally she might raid and keep in 
alarm the rich New England Colonies from the Acadian 
border. There was, however, no such war till 1689, and 
* King William's War ' (as they called it out there) was 
mostly fought on the Hudson and in Acadia, ' Queen 
Anne's War,' 1702-13, in much the same region. 

These two wars fully opened the eyes of French states- 
men to the preponderance in wealth and population 
of their British rivals ; the cessions made at Utrecht 
had seriously weakened the outworks of Canada, and her 
Governors set themselves to strengthen the remainder 
of these by building in 1720 the great fortress of 
Louisburg on that Island of Cape Breton which guards 
the entrance to the St. Lawrence ; while, before we had 
founded our last colony of Georgia, France had refounded 
La Salle's lost settlement at New Orleans, and given it 
the name of Louisiana. The possibility of a conjunc- 
tion of French and Spanish interests in the New World 
was a further disquieting factor for us, and, in order 


to realize this, we must take a brief glance at the West 
Indies. There Spain was in even greater preponderance 
over France than France was over Britain ; with the 
exception of Jamaica, not yet fully developed, we held 
only Barbados, whose best harbour was an open road- 
stead, St. Kitts, Antigua and a few settlements in the 
Bahamas — in all a mere nothing compared to the French 
possessions, which comprised the great islands of 
Martinique and Guadeloupe, with their splendid harbours, 
the Western half of San Domingo, ceded to France by 
Spain in 1697, Grenada and Marie Galante ; and less 
than nothing compared to Spanish Cuba, Porto Rico 
and Trinidad. By Treaty, none too well observed, 
Dominica, St. Lucia, St. Vincent and Tobago were 
supposed to be ' neutral islands,' but France was already 
clutching at them before 1740. With the exception of 
Louisiana and of tiny British settlements on the coasts 
of Honduras and Guiana, Spain held the entire coast of 
Central and Southern America from the Gulf of Florida 
to Brazil, from the Southern border of Brazil to Cape 
Horn, and up again on the Pacific side to San Francisco. 
We had a perennial dispute with Spain about our right 
to cut mahogany in the forests of Honduras ; and, as we 
saw in the last chapter, to this dispute was added, after 
1730, a series of quarrels about our Treaty-trade with 
other Spanish Colonies. 

Spain of course did nothing to develop or improve 
this glorious heritage. Her first two Bourbon kings 
were nearly as stupid as her Hapsburgs had been, although 
they had one or two able Ministers who spasmodically 
tried to revive the commercial and maritime life of 
the country. For the most part Spain simply sat down 
and lived on the colonial tribute of gold and silver. 


' Pieces of eight ! Pieces of eight ! ' as Captain Flint's 
parrot said ; that was the crop raised on the soil of New- 
Spain. Still, Spain was the old colonizing Power, and 
we were the interlopers. France, on the other hand, paid 
to her West Indies an attention even more intelligent 
than she paid to Canada, and, by the middle of the 
Eighteenth Century, San Domingo was the sugar-shop 
of the World. The best guarantee for British penetra- 
tion into those regions was always the fact that France 
and Spain were if possible more jealous of each other 
than Spain was of England. Their two Governments 
might make Family Compacts, but Spaniards over there 
preferred the English as commercial clients. Not even 
the exploits of Drake or of Blake had ever quite upset 
the tacit understanding between the two peoples which 
dated from old Burgundian days or even earlier. The 
war of 1739-48 had interrupted this good feeling, but 
without making the Spaniards love their French allies. 
That war, on its French side, had been fought in Acadia 
(whose population remained wholly French in sympathy), 
and on all the borders, and had been signalized by the 
Colonial capture of Cape Breton ; our Americans were 
very angry when at the Peace we ceded back the Island. 
Over there that Peace was hardly even a truce. La 
Galissoniere, Governor of Canada, had openly planned 
the absorption of the Ohio valley ; and the Virginians 
were soon engaged in a race with his successor, 
Duquesne, for the occupation of the forest region lying 
between that valley and the border of Canada. Both 
sides ignored the fact that a ' Boundary Commission ' 
was sitting in Europe to settle all frontier questions. 
The building and garrisoning in 1749, with a colony of 
veteran soldiers, of the town of Halifax as the Capital 

VOL. Ill !3 


of Nova Scotia (Acadia) was an Anglo-American 
revenge for the loss of Louisburg ; five years later the 
French completed the strong post of Fort Duquesne in 
the disputed Ohio region ; and so matters stood when 
King George's Prime Minister, Henry Pelham, died. 

For his succession Henry Fox, William Pitt and 
William Murray were all candidates, but Pelham's 
brother Newcastle managed, through his vast parlia- 
mentary influence, to keep the place for himself, and 
pretended that, owing to the King's personal spite, 
he was unable to offer the Secretaryship of State to 
Pitt. Pitt, who had only £200 a year of his own, 
and who had just married, went into practical op- 
position without resigning the Paymastership. Fox 
became Secretary, and defended Newcastle's measures 
in the Commons. These included a Subsidy-Treaty 
with the Landgrave of Hesse for defence of Hanover 
in the event of a new war ; and in the autumn 
of '55 there was added a similar Treaty with Russia, 
who promised to attack Frederick of Prussia if he 
threatened Hanover. But what Austria was doing no 
one except Frederick seems to have suspected. As a 
matter of fact Maria Theresa had been for three years 
knocking at the door of the King of France. Dominated 
by but one thought, that of revenge on ' the wicked 
man,' furious with England for having made her cede 
Silesia, sick to death with the burden of the unprofitable 
Netherlands, she was ready to overset any and every 
alliance. Louis at first turned a deaf ear, but he 
loathed Frederick, who had twice broken Treaties with 
him during the late war. Might not such an alliance 
as the Empress now offered him actually lead to a French 
acquisition of Belgium ? If Austria cared nothing for 


Belgium, what had Austria and France left to fight 
about ? At any rate any one could see the advantage 
of detaching Austria from the English alliance. So 
Louis dallied, more suo, with Maria's idea until the 
autumn of '55, and long before that the tension in 
America had become acute. 

Even Pelham had authorized our Colonists to ' repel 
force by force/ and, when the Virginians acted on that 
order, and, under a young man called George Washington, 
cetat. 21, were defeated in the year '54, it was impossible 
for Newcastle to leave them to their fate. In January, 
'55, he therefore sent out two British regiments under 
Braddock, a favourite officer of the Duke of Cumber- 
land's ; Braddock would show ' these provincials ' how 
to fight. He also sent Admiral Boscawen to cruise in 
American waters, with orders to stop French reinforce- 
ments being shipped to Canada. Boscawen took several 
French ships, and this act, which we called reprisal and 
the French called piracy, led to open war. Still, in 
fear for Hanover and in greater fear for Belgium, 
Newcastle hoped to confine the war to the New World, 
and, being utterly ignorant of the new Austrian move, 
expected to isolate France upon the Continent. It was 
Frederick who first opened his eyes. 

Meanwhile Braddock arrived in America and found 
' these provincials ' culpably indifferent to their own 
defence, and to the numerous wants of his Army such 
as waggons, horses, forage, food, things which a back- 
woodsman did not need, but which the British soldier 
thought he did need. However, at last Braddock began 
to lumber forward from the Virginian frontier into the 
primaeval forest at the rate of about three miles a day. 
The story has been most finely told by Mr. Thackeray 


in ' The Virginians.' Think of the gallant redcoat of 
that day, recently enlisted from the plough, choking in 
his tight stock, bursting in his tight breeches, loaded as 
to his knapsack with every useless incumbrance that 
a War Office could devise. We saw him at Dettingen 
hewing his way to safety against tremendous odds ; 
but look at him again here in the dark forest, a hundred 
miles from his base (Braddock got very nearly to Fort 
Duquesne), in a column over a mile long, with pioneers 
in front actually cutting down trees to make a road ; 
suddenly the woods echo with war-whoops, and from 
behind every rock and tree pours in a tremendous 
musketry fire. The word of command rings out ; again 
and again we form front and pour our famous volleys 
into — nothing but trees. The three guns are unlimbered 
and crash into the trees as aimlessly. From General 
to Private we face the unseen hail as valiantly as 
such hail has ever been faced ; but two-thirds of 
our officers and half our men are down, and at last 
we become a huddled group of fugitives, shot down 
from every side. Braddock was carried along in 
the retreat dying of his wounds, muttering ' better 
next time ' and other like words. Washington, who 
was acting as his aide-de-camp, escaped by miracle ; 
the Virginians suffered less than the British because 
they were more expert at taking cover. The effect 
of this rout was enormous ; two English regiments ' 
practically annihilated by one-fifth their number of 
French and a few hundred savages. All along the 
frontier a regular terror set in ; French troops were 
heard of within two or three days' march of Philadelphia. 

1 The 44th and 48th. Both were full of recruits, and the only- 
service the former had seen had been at Prestonpans in 1745. 

NEW ALLIANCES, 1756 197 

But the Quaker parliament sitting there even then 
refused to vote supplies for the war ! And, in spite of 
Boscawen and even of Sir Edward Hawke's Channel 
Fleet, France kept on pouring troops into America. 
Equally unsuccessful were two Colonial attacks on 
Ticonderoga, a French outpost on the Little Lakes, and 
on Fort Frontenac on the Great Lakes ; only on the 
Acadian border Colonel Monckton, with a Colonial force, 
stiffened with some men of the 45th, captured a French 
outpost called Beausejour, and began to export the 
old French population of Nova Scotia wholesale. 

Now it seems to me that it was madness on the part 
of France to allow herself to be involved in a Continental 
war at this time, nor did she at first intend to do any- 
thing of the kind. Louis indeed had only unwillingly 
resolved to fight England even in America and at 
sea. But ' the wicked man,' best informed of European 
Sovereigns, had an inkling of what Austria was after, 
and he professed to discover a great conspiracy against 
himself. Saxony, Poland, Russia, Sweden and perhaps 
France were all to dance at Maria's bidding ; he and 
his Prussia were to be partitioned. Frederick was 
startlingly free of conventional prejudices — even against 
Uncle George, to whom until now he had constantly 
applied most of the ugly names in his extensive vocabu- 
lary; and in January, '56, he suddenly astonished the 
said Uncle by offering to guarantee the safety of his 
Hanover against all and sundry. Newcastle and George 
had recently learned with horror that Austria, to whom 
they had applied, refused to do anything of the kind 
(Russia had indeed accepted and had actually ' touched ' 
British guineas) ; and so this news of Frederick's seemed 
almost too good to be true, and a ' Convention of West- 


minster ' between Prussia and Great Britain was the 
result. But how much greater was their horror when 
Austria seized the opportunity to conclude in May a 
defensive Treaty with France ! And how much greater 
still when Russia declared that her Treaty bound her 
to defend Hanover only against Frederick ! 

The peculiar danger of an Austro-French alliance lay, 
of course, in the great probability that Belgium would 
thereby become a French province, a contingency 
against which we had struggled since Edward III. The 
World seemed to reel under Newcastle's feet, and he 
went about wringing his hands. Pitt, who had been 
dismissed in November for denouncing the Russian 
Treaty, was now playing openly to the gallery, the 
Nation and the future. In truth the situation was 
serious enough. The Dutch hastened to declare an in- 
vincible neutrality. France was swallowing our Colonies, 
and preparing either for a seizure of Minorca or an 
invasion of England, perhaps for both. Pitt, after his 
dismissal, had introduced a National Defence Bill for 
the revival of a Militia, and the Duke had actually 
denounced ' the spirit of militarism ' which this would 
provoke, and got the Bill rejected ! As the panic 
spread in the early months of '56, and as Pitt fanned 
the flame, Newcastle's head began to feel loose on 
his shoulders. Now or never, then, was the chance 
for Pitt. 

Hitherto we have been obliged to look upon this man 
as the incarnation of the spirit of unpatriotic faction, 
an adventurer forcing his way to place by spouting out 
torrents of words and by making himself a nuisance to 
every Government. He was an orator in the worst 
sense, all theatrical froth and bombast, a coiner of 


striking phrases to catch the vulgar ear, and as destitute 
of logic as a modern tub-thumper ; whenever he had 
crossed swords with Walpole or Carteret, they could 
always prove his logic to be at fault. His strongest 
weapon was his fine and pointed irony. But he was 
for ever on the stage, and dressed himself in the tragic 
buskin. Moreover he had hitherto been quite in- 
capable of acting with any one else, or of accepting any 
compromise not of his own invention ; he was grossly 
rude and overbearing to colleagues as well as opponents, 
and, in spite of all that has been said to the contrary, 
he had by no means an infallible judgment of subordi- 
nates. 1 But, to counterbalance all this, Pitt had one 
or two gifts great enough to make him the man for 
his Country at this her supreme hour. His hands were 
clean of bribes. He could grasp the Map of the World, 
and the strategy necessary for Great Britain, diplomatic, 
naval and military, as a whole. He thoroughly under- 
stood the value of morale. He had unflinching courage, 
which only rose with danger, and a firm belief that, 
under his leadership, there was nothing that Great 
Britain could not accomplish. And, though no one had 
suspected that he possessed administrative talent or 
industry, he was immediately to prove himself, not 
only the most brilliant and daring, but also the most 
industrious of Ministers : — 

5A.TO 8' €7rt fiiyav ov86v €Ywi> (3lov rjSe <j>aptTpr]v. 

1 People generally speak as if Pitt had had, after 1757, a free 
hand to appoint to the commands in both Services ; this is an 
exaggerated view ; the King's preference for old generals often 
overrode the Minister's zeal for young ones. Some exceptional 
appointments, like Wolfe's, were of Pitt's personal choice, but 
more were of Anson's and Ligonier's. As an instance of what I 
said above, Pitt quite undervalued Hawke. 

200 FALL OF MINORCA, 1756 

The fall of Minorca was to prove his opportunity. 
That fall was the result of gross incompetency at home. 
The garrison was insufficient, and had not been 
strengthened. Admiral Byng was sent out in March, 
with indefinite orders and in indifferent force ; he found 
the French, under the Due de Richelieu, already landed, 
engaged in a difficult siege of Fort St. Philip, the citadel 
of Port Mahon. It was valiantly defended by old 
General Blakeney with 2,000 men, and blockaded by 
a moderate French Fleet under La Galissoniere. Byng, 
who had no troops to throw ashore, had only one thing 
to do, namely to fight La Galissoniere till one or both 
Fleets sank. Instead of this he fought an indecisive 
action, professed fears for Gibraltar, and sailed away, 
leaving Minorca to its fate. Then Richelieu stormed 
Fort St. Philip, at a frightful cost of life. Byng was tried 
by Court Martial and shot, a victim to the incompetence 
of the English Ministry, and even of Lord Anson, who 
had scattered our Fleet in such small detachments that we 
were nowhere in adequate force. But Fox had resigned 
office in terror, and Newcastle was left alone to face Pitt, 
who voiced the righteous anger and fear of the Nation. 
The Duke's last supreme degradation was to send for 
twenty thousand Hessians and Hanoverians to garrison 
the coasts of Kent ; " And you dared not," roared his 
terrible opponent, " arm your own citizens ! " Bad news 
also poured in from India and worse from America, 
and at last in October the Duke threw up the sponge, 
and the King consented to take Pitt as Secretary of 
State, under the aegis of the respectable Duke of 
Devonshire as First Lord of the Treasury. Pitt's 
brother-in-law and evil genius, Lord Temple, went to 
the Admiralty in place of Anson. 


For the first six months Pitt had against him not 
merely a hostile King and a hostile Commander-in-Chief 
(Cumberland, who hated him), but a hostile House of 
Commons, in which Newcastle, having lost the Executive 
power, now bribed and jobbed more disastrously than 
ever ; and, long before the new Minister could inspire 
his subordinates with his own spirit, the Duke had made 
his Government impossible. Pitt reintroduced, how- 
ever, his Militia Bill, which was carried in June, '57,' 
and he held out the hand to Frederick. Though he 
was at once accused of having, in order to curry favour 
with the King, eaten his words about Hanover (and 
indeed there was a fine mass of confused feeding in 
them), the truth is that he was really seeking to 
resume, with a different German ally, the Anglo-German 
policy of Carteret. He thoroughly realized that 
France's hands could be best tied by involving herein 
the Continental war. Frederick had, in fact, made this 
path clear for Pitt, for, two months after the fall of 
Minorca, he had suddenly invaded Saxony and seized 
its Capital and Army. Maria declared that this act 
pledged France to give effect in her favour to the 
defensive Treaty of May, for Saxony was her ally ; Louis 
agreed, and sent a large French Army over the Rhine 
to seize Hanover. " Now," said Frederick to Pitt, 
" send back those Hanoverians and Hessians whom you 
hate so much, send your stupid Duke of Cumberland 
to command them, to Westphalia ; keep a bold defensive 

1 Each county was assessed at a definite number of men, who 
were to serve for three years ; if not enough Volunteers enlisted, 
ballot was to be employed among those eligible. The Lord-Lieu- 
tenant of each County commanded its forces. The Crown could 
thus call out a territorial army of 32,000 men. 


front there against the French, and protect my right 
hand, while I polish off the Empress in Bohemia with 
my left. France will soon withdraw the Army, which 
now threatens your shores, to fight in Westphalia ; you 
can keep her uneasy by frequent small descents on 
unexpectant French ports ; thus we will play into each 
other's hands, and France will not be able to strike her 
hardest at either end of the line." 

Frederick was, of course, a dangerous ally, for his 
habit was to desert his friends, make peace with his 
foes, and go off with a province in his pocket. But Pitt's 
foresight showed him that Frederick had got his back 
to the wall this time, and that the interests of England 
and Prussia really coincided on the lines which the 
Prussian King laid down. He therefore began to put the 
plan in force at once, as well as to send off reinforce- 
ments to America, two newly raised Highland regiments 
among them. 1 But suddenly Cumberland refused to go 
in command of the Hanoverian Army unless his father 
dismissed Pitt ; poor old George, too, was clinging to 
some stupid notion that even now Hanover might be 
made 'neutral'; Newcastle jumped at the idea, and 
Pitt was actually dismissed in April, '57. Then for two 
months there was no Government in Britain except the 
shadow of the Duke of Devonshire. At every door at 
which Newcastle knocked the answer was, ' we cannot 

1 Fraser's and Montgomery's. It is generally said that Pitt 
was the first person to enlist Highlanders to serve King George ; 
but, in fact, the Black Watch had been raised in 1739 and was 
now in America. This, however, had been raised from Whig 
Clans ; the new regiments were Jacobite in origin ; even this 
departure had been suggested before Pitt took office. By the 
end of the war twelve battalions of Highlanders had been added 
to the Army List. 


face Pitt with an angry Nation behind him.' Old 
Granville, the most placable of men and most loyal of 
subjects, told Newcastle, " You are now served as you 
and your brother served me." 

No greater condemnation of the Walpole-Pelham- 
Newcastle system of government by parliamentary 
jobbery can be imagined than the condition to which 
it had brought a high-spirited people in that fateful year 
'$j ; and, but for the fact that the France of Louis XV. 
was almost as unready, her government almost as chaotic, 
the Britain of George II. must have fallen. One false- 
hearted, nervous old man could paralyse the whole 
machine of State. Newcastle had not what are usually 
called great vices ; he was industrious and benevolent, 
and, in private life, after a fashion honourable ; but 
to control the votes of the House of Commons and the 
backstairs of the Court had become such a passion with 
him that he was not only ready to ruin his country, 
but did actually sacrifice most of his immense private 
fortune in the task. But at last, no other means of 
continuing this task occurring to him, he went in June 
to Pitt and said : " Let us two coalesce ; leave me the 
bribery and the gifts of places, pensions, titles, ribands, 
bishoprics, boroughs ; you lend me your terrible voice 
and your terrible ideas about saving the country." And 
Pitt, to whom also no other means of resuming his task 
occurred, agreed. King George might bark if he pleased, 
but he was now muzzled ; and Pitt, although he never 
afterwards stooped to conciliate any one else, was clever 
enough to conciliate his King, who came rather to like 
wearing his muzzle. 

Pitt thus came back at the end of June, '57, almost 
as dictator. Anson came back to the Admiralty, and, 


though Hardwicke had resigned the Great Seal, Hard- 
wicke was Anson's father-in-law, and much good counsel 
came to Pitt from both of them. Lord Granville sup- 
ported him warmly. Legge, his old friend, became 
Chancellor of the Exchequer. Temple took the Privy 
Seal, and Fox, Pitt's one rival in debate, became his 
Paymaster ; Fox loved money and had no scruples as 
to perquisites. Cumberland was, of course, furious, but 
events soon put him out of action. For the war went 
from bad to worse. In May, '57, a fresh Treaty between 
Austria and France, an offensive one this time, was openly 
directed against Kings Frederick and George. Russia 
joined Austria, and her great Army lumbered towards 
Eastern Prussia. Sweden descended on Frederick's 
Northern coasts. Frederick had won a great battle at 
Prague in May, but a month later was defeated at 
Kollin and driven out of Bohemia. The French Army 
drove Cumberland and his Hanoverians over the Weser 
and smashed them at Hastenbeck in July ; the Duke 
retreated and retreated till he reached the sea at Stade, 
where he might easily have held out. Instead of that 
he concluded with the French the Convention of Kloster- 
seven, separating England's cause from Frederick's and 
receiving in return a promise that Hanover should be 
treated as neutral. Meanwhile a new South-German 
Army of Maria's friends was joined by another 
French contingent in Thuringia, and was marching 
against Frederick down the river Saale. In fact, five 
Armies were converging against the ' Protestant Hero/ 
as the illustrious infidel now began to be called in 

But England, long in travail, had brought forth her 
man at last. Pitt even bettered Frederick's instructions. 


He was no doubt often too hasty, and he was frightfully 
extravagant, but it was a time that would brook neither 
delays nor economies. No one will deny that he made 
great strategical mistakes ; the whole of his policy of 
attacks on French coasts is open to question. As 
' diversions ' these descents were excellent ; but they 
were entrees merely, and Pitt was occasionally in danger 
of mistaking them for the roast meat. At least on 
one occasion he offered to buy the alliance of Spain 
with the cession of Gibraltar, which he strangely under- 
valued. But the real merit of his offensive 'strategy 
was that he saw the World as a whole, and knew in- 
tuitively how pressure employed in a distant theatre 
of war, either by sea or land, would divert the danger 
from a near theatre, and vice versa. His first attack 
on Rochefort, an important Atlantic dockyard of France, 
was ill-executed and failed to do even serious damage ; 
but the mere threat of it was enough to give the French 
in Hanover pause, and to cause a backward movement 
of their troops. King George had authorized Cumberland 
to conclude a Convention, but not such a Convention 
as that of Klosterseven ; at Pitt's suggestion he readily 
disavowed it, and asked Frederick to send one of his 
best generals to take over and strengthen Cumberland's 
beaten Army. Frederick sent his very best man, 
Ferdinand of Brunswick, ' the greatest leader of British 
troops,' says Mr. Fortescue, ' between Marlborough and 
Wellington.' Result, Frederick was able to deal in 
November and December two smashing blows, the first 
at Rossbach on the Saale at the French and South - 
Germans, the second at Leuthen in Silesia at the 
Austrians ; while Richelieu, the French commander, sat 
inactive and uneasy in Hanover. In the beginning of 


'58 Pitt sent a small English Squadron under Admiral 
Holmes up the river Ems to Emden, to create a further 
panic in Richelieu's left rear. To Frederick himself he 
sent a welcome subsidy of £600,000, and paid the same 
four years in succession. 1 Cumberland was at once 
disgraced for Klosterseven, and the Command-in-Chief 
given to Ligonier, an excellent old soldier of Huguenot 
descent, who had distinguished himself in Flanders 
against Saxe. The Navy and the war-budget were 
placed on a gigantic footing, though the dockyards 
could never turn out ships fast enough to satisfy the 
imperious Minister. 

In America the turn of the tide was coming. The 
English commander, Lord Loudoun, had failed in '57 
to execute an attack which he had planned on Louisburg, 
and the great French General, Montcalm, had been 
able to push his outposts to the Southern end of the 
Little Lakes and had taken Fort William Henry ; his 
Indian allies had, without his sanction, massacred the 
British who evacuated that fort. But it was a French 
offensive for the last time. Pitt grasped the importance 
of conciliating the Colonists, who had been disgusted 
with the overbearing manners as well as the incompe- 
tence of British officers, while these had rightly com- 
plained of the stinginess and frauds of the Provincial 
Legislatures and contractors. Pitt resolved to pay for 
everything from home, except the mere wages of the 
Colonial troops, and the result was that he was able to 

1 Frederick could do more with a shilling than the Austrians 
could with a pound. His finances were simple ; he never bor- 
rowed, and levied few taxes, but the Prussian Crown owned and 
carefully cultivated huge tracts of land. The rents and profits of 
these were stored in strongboxes in the royal cellars year after 
year as a reserve against war time. 


raise twenty thousand of these. And no reinforcements 
were to be allowed to escape from French harbours if 
he could help it. In February, '58, Admirals Osborne 
and Saunders beat the Toulon Fleet off Carthagena. In 
the same month Boscawen, with twenty sail, escorted 
Amherst with a large British force to the siege of Louis- 
burg, and in April Hawke chased a detachment of the 
Brest Fleet into Rochefort and sealed the entry of 
that port. 

To understand the American business of '58, '59, '60 
we must look at the map and remember that we are 
now at last on the offensive. Our right is first to 
tackle Louisburg, and then, if possible in the same 
year, Quebec ; our left is to creep round by various 
routes to Fort Duquesne, and then on to the Great 
Lakes ; our centre is to force — hardest task of all — 
the valley of the Little Lakes ; and the three columns, 
if all victorious, will converge on Montreal. That this 
was accomplished in three campaigns is a marvellous 
tribute to the fighting and enduring qualities of the 
British soldier, to the skilful organization of the great 
General Amherst, to the watchfulness and resource of 
the Admirals who kept the high-road from Britain open 
and safe, and to the genius of William Pitt, who 
planned the whole in London. The French defence 
was as able and as valiant as anything in French 
history, but before the end of '58 Canada knew that 
she must rely on herself alone. Louis could spare 
her no reinforcements, even if they could have got 
through, and one large convoy of stores (very early in 
'59) was all he managed to send. 

Boscawen' s voyage lasted eleven weeks, and young 
Brigadier Wolfe was gnawing his sword-hilt with im- 


patience. Louisburg had ample time to entrench itself 
to the teeth. The landing, on an open beach in an 
Atlantic surf under a murderous fire from six French 
ships and the guns of the fortress, was a terrible task. 
The defence of the Citadel was protracted till the end 
of July, and, when it fell, Wolfe urged Amherst to start 
at once against Quebec. But the wise strategist decided 
rather to reinforce our centre, where General Abercromby 
had just experienced a fearful repulse and slaughter at 
the hands of Montcalm, before the fort of Ticonderoga 
(July 10th). On our left, however, Bradstreet had 
pushed through the wilderness to the Great Lakes, had 
captured Fort Frontenac, and was building a fleet of 
small boats on Lake Ontario ; while a detachment of 
Highlanders and Colonials under Forbes had seized 
the dreaded Fort Duquesne. Among the new soldiers 
sent out had been Lord Howe, who was killed at 
Ticonderoga ; to him is due the credit of having taken 
lessons from the enemy and the Indians in the art of 
forest warfare ; he stripped his men of their ridiculous 
tight coats, and filled their knapsacks with food instead 
of pipeclay and clothes-brushes. Bradstreet, Forbes, 
Monckton, Murray and many others were quick to 
learn and enforce the same lesson, and so matters 
looked hopeful for the coming year. 

In the European theatre of the war the profit and 
loss were about equal. If Frederick beat a large 
Russian Army at Zorndorff, he was badly beaten by 
the Austrians at Hochkirch ; yet ever the indomitable 
man stood somewhere as near as possible to his centre, 
facing now this way, now that, as the blows were aimed 
at him from East, South or North. Ferdinand guarded 
him well on the West, drove the French out of Hanover, 

; John. Murray. Albemarle 


out of Westphalia, over Rhine, and won a great battle 
on the left bank of that river at Crefeld. On getting 
the news of this, Pitt, who had promised Ferdinand 
two thousand British troops, sent him six thousand, 
and took his whole Army into British pay. He also 
kept the French coasts in continual alarm by descents, 
either executed or threatened, at St. Malo, Cherbourg, 
Havre and again St. Malo. None of these raids, one of 
which was beaten back with heavy loss, effected any- 
thing permanent, but, as a whole, they wrought dreadful 
havoc on French docks and shipping, and almost wholly 
paralysed France's left hand. Old Lord Anson himself 
actually took command of a Squadron and went and 
dared the Brest Fleet to come out and fight him. In 
West African waters, Senegal and Goree, two important 
French slave-trade stations, were taken by English 
ships. In the West Indies our first big expedition was 
beaten off at Martinique, but seized the hardly less 
important Guadeloupe ; the mere commerce-protection 
we had to do in those waters occupied twelve ships of 
the line and twenty frigates. In India Clive had turned 
the tide of defeat, with the great victory of Plassey, the 
year before. 

Newcastle was already shivering in the grasp of his 
terrible colleague ; he wanted to sue for peace, desert 
Frederick and offer Louisburg back in exchange for 
Minorca ! In this attitude he was occasionally backed 
up by British merchants, for in a maritime war the 
Nation with the larger commerce generally suffers the 
heavier commercial loss, and the French were past 
masters in the art of privateering. The fear of invasion 
was never absent from the Duke's narrow mind, nor 
was it a wholly unreasonable fear. The French War 

VOL. Ill 14 

210 WOLFE IN CANADA, 1759 

Minister, Belleisle, and the Chief Minister, Choiseul, 

kept that threat ever alive, and the more they were 

beaten in America and India the more they recurred 

to it. Although by the end of '58 France had not 

one-third of our number of warships afloat, yet a big 

storm or a small victory might easily give her control 

of the Channel for ten days ; she contemplated no 

lasting occupation of Britain, but only a great raid, 

which would paralyse us at the heart by shattering 

our credit. She hoped, too, to use the Neutral Fleets — 

Swedes, Spaniards, Dutch — for this purpose ; these 

Nations were already very cross with us for the way 

in which we searched their ships. Neutrals always 

suffer commercial loss, if, like the Dutch, they insist on 

carrying ' contraband of war ' and on running blockades. 

But, in spite of these fears, Pitt had already fired King 

George with the prospect of conquering all Canada ; 

and George was able at least to see how well he was 

protecting Hanover. As for invasion, Pitt boldly — 

perhaps too boldly — took the risk year after year, and 

the results justified him. Moreover he took care that 

Hawke's great Plymouth Fleet should never be far 

away. 1 

For the year '59 our greatest objective was the 
rock fortress of Quebec, the key of the St. Lawrence. 
Twenty-two of the line under Admiral Saunders and 
Admiral Holmes, the bravest of the brave, had made 
rendezvous at Louisburg the year before. James Wolfe, 
cetat. thirty-two, was in command of the troops, 8,500 
strong, with Monckton, Townshend and Murray as his 
Brigadiers. One of the pilots of the Fleet was a master 

1 Indeed the truest defence was to keep Hawke outside the 
Frenchman's own front door at Brest. 


mariner, once a draper's apprentice, and the name of 
him was James Cook. The French removed all buoys 
and marks from the fairway of their great river, 
which narrows from eighty miles at its mouth to one 
mile opposite Quebec, four hundred miles up-stream ; 
but James Cook and his kind, sounding-lead in hand and 
eyes ever on the V of the tide-way, found it ' not a bit 
worse than the Thames.' What Montcalm had never 
contemplated was that Holmes would drive his ships, 
not only up to, but past the Narrows, right under the 
guns of Quebec, and up to Cap Rouge eight miles above 
the city. He tried fireships, but the English Jacks went 
to meet them and towed them ashore with roars of 
laughter. ' Well, let Holmes raid to Montreal if he 
likes ; that won't take the rock of Quebec ' ; so argued 
the Marquis Montcalm ; he had indeed more reason to 
fear Amherst than Wolfe, and had to send a de- 
tachment under Levis to strengthen the garrison of 
Montreal. As Amherst advanced from our centre up 
the Little Lakes, the French commander, Bourlamaque, 
successively evacuated Ticonderoga and Crownpoint, 
and fell back to the fortress of Noix at the North end 
of Lake Champlain. Further he could not at present 
be driven, and Montcalm knew the value of Fabian 
strategy. Few as his troops were, perhaps 4,000 French 
regulars and twice as many useful Canadian militia, 
he held the whole Northern shore of the St. Lawrence 
down to the river Montmorency, seven miles below 
Quebec. Wolfe entrenched himself below that river 
on the same bank, and also occupied the whole Southern 
shore and a great island. His guns were able to do 
some, but not much damage to the Citadel, and to wreck 
the lower town ; and Holmes, sailing up and down and 


threatening landings above the city, kept the French 
troops, both at Quebec and Cap Rouge, continually 
' on the trot,' wearied them and often cut off their sup- 
plies. But every attack on Montcalm's main position 
just below Quebec was simply so much waste of English 
life ; the French were entrenched to the teeth. Before 
August was out Wolfe was dying of fever, and his Army, 
one battalion of which had suffered murder in a frontal 
attack on July 31st, was wasting by his side. Early 
in September the three Brigadiers and the two Admirals 
took the almost desperate decision to attempt a 
surprise landing above the city. Wolfe, too ill to 
attend the council, cordially agreed, and, having agreed, 
rallied for one more week of glorious life. Saunders 
with the main Fleet was to wait below, and on the 
12th make a strong feint on Montcalm's main position ; 
Holmes was to ferry 5,000 carefully concealed troops 
from the Southern shore to some point on the Northern. 
So in darkness and silence the English leaders slipped 
up and down with the tide, looking for such a point, 
for several successive nights ; and, after a long search, 
Wolfe fixed on the cove now called after his name, a 
landing-stage almost under the city walls, whence a 
goat-path led up for two hundred feet to the plateau 
called the ' Plains of Abraham.' Even Holmes, to 
whom fell the task of the actual landing, and all the 
Brigadiers declared it to be an impossible place, but 
no other could be found. Wolfe took the full responsi- 
bility, and was loyally obeyed : — 

Tov 8' €k\v€ fjLrjTUTa Zeus* 

7roAe/x,ov T€ l*.a-Xqv T€ 
AwKf, croov 8' av€V€V(T€ fJ-aXV* *£ a7rove€(r0ai. 1 

1 II. xvi. 249. 


The men could only scramble up by catching at the 
bushes and in single file ; but an hour after dawn on 
the 13th, 4,500 British soldiers and one light gun stood 
on a level plain within a mile of the walls of Quebec. 
Montcalm, who had thrown his main strength to oppose 
the feint of Saunders, now made his one and gallant 
and fatal mistake ; barely 5,000 strong he rushed to 
the attack, and within an hour was carried into his city 
desperately wounded from a lost battle. The action 
was short and sharp : the two most effective volleys 
ever delivered — at thirty-five yards ! — shivered the lead- 
ing French lines, and claymore and bayonet did the rest. 
Wolfe, as we all learned in our nurseries, was hit early, 
but lived long enough to learn that ' they run.' Monckton 
was severely wounded, but our whole loss was not over 
800 men. 

Even so Quebec need not have surrendered. Had 
Montcalm lived, and had Vaudreuil not marched away 
his main force in a panic for the defence of Montreal, 
it would not have done so. And if it had held out, 
the British position would have been pretty desperate. 
There were troops at Cap Rouge, not eight miles away, 
who could easily have helped to enclose us between 
two fires. But Ramsay, who was left in Quebec, made 
little attempt to defend it; the Canadian militia 
streamed away after Vaudreuil, and on the 18th the 
white flag was run up on the Citadel. 

' Wolfe was mad,' says your modern ' humanitarian ' ; 
1 a brutal, boastful savage, reckless of his own and his 
men's lives, who attempted the impossible and blundered 
into a triumph.' That was not what his contemporaries 
thought of him ; it used to be lovingly told in his- Army 
how, as they stole down in the boats to the gallant feat, 

214 THE WAR IN CANADA, 1759-60 

he repeated, to keep his tingling nerves quiet, the whole 
of Gray's ' Elegy in a Country Churchyard/ and said 
he would rather have written that poem than take 
Quebec. And even George II., not famous either for 
tenderness or humour, said, " Mad, is he ? Then I wish 
he would bite some of my other generals." 

Perhaps the crisis was yet to come. The dramatic 
scene of Wolfe's victory and death has eclipsed the story 
of the splendid defence of our new conquest by Murray. 
For Amherst could not get through those last few miles 
from the South ; Montreal blocked all relief from the 
West ; and our Fleet had to sail away in October before 
the ice should come. The remnants of Wolfe's Army 
were gathered into a half-burned, half-breached town ; 
and the gods of a Canadian winter laugh at the puny 
efforts of entrenching-tools. Supplies were very short, 
and medical comforts and warm clothing there were 
none. By March Murray had not 2,500 men fit for 
duty — the rest were down with frostbite and scurvy. 
In April, Levis, from the yet unshaken base of Montreal, 
attacked Quebec vigorously, and Murray's splendid 
sally was beaten off with heavy loss. He was at his last 
gasp when, on May 9th, 1760, a British frigate forced 
its way through the loosening pack-ice with the news 
of speedy relief, and Levis marched sullenly away. Even 
in that dreadful winter of suffering the first links of 
affection between Catholic Canada and Protestant 
England had been forged by the tender care with which 
the dear French nuns of Quebec nursed our sick men. 

As the peril of Canada became acute all through '59, 
the French Government turned more keenly than ever 
to the war in Germany and to fresh plans of invasion. 
Ferdinand, soon after his victory at Crefeld, had been 


obliged to retire over Rhine again, and, until August, '59, 
he remained on the defensive, much overmatched in 
numbers, in Westphalia. Ferdinand was a man who 
could make one army do the work of two ; and in August 
the splendid courage of six British Infantry regiments, 
especially the Twelfth and the Twentieth, and the ad- 
mirable handling of the British Artillery, gave him the 
great victory of Minden. Lord George Sackville, how- 
ever, refused to use the British Cavalry, as he was 
repeatedly ordered to do ; why some one didn't shoot 
him dead on the field I have never been able to make 
out, but he was court-martialled and dismissed the 
Service when he got home. But not even Minden could 
save Frederick from a fearful reverse at the hands of 
Austrians and Russians at Kunersdorf, and, before the 
year was out, Prussia had lost 12,000 more men at 
Maxen. During the last months of '59 and the first 
half of '6o, it looked as if Frederick and his Army must 
be annihilated. 

But these victories of her Allies profited ruined and 
exhausted France but little ; unless she could strike 
at the heart of England, and that quickly, she had better 
make peace. Once more, therefore, she roused herself 
for a grand combination of her Brest and Toulon Fleets, 
and got ready a large number of troopships at Rochefort. 
Admiral de la Clue got out of Toulon and even out of 
the Straits, but Boscawen caught him before he had got 
very far and smashed him to pieces off Lagos. Captain 
Duff sat doggedly outside Rochefort, and Hawke ranged 
to and fro, according to the weather, between Plymouth 
and Belleisle, with an eye ever on Brest. At last, on 
November 14th, in a lull between two gales, Admiral 
Conflans cleared Brest harbour, and flew to drive off 


Duff and release the Rochefort transports. After 
him flew Hawke from the Devon coast. After Hawke 
flew Saunders, who on his way back from Quebec had 
heard the great news off Scilly. Hawke was not only 
the greatest of living Admirals, but, so far as personal 
feelings went, he was a desperate man. All the brunt 
of the Channel defence throughout the war had fallen 
to his lot, all the weary blockade-routine, and the winter 
gales which drove him back to Plymouth month after 
month, with leaking hulls and strained tackle, to be 
patched up in a week, and then back to Brest half healed 
to begin his watch again. At every turn fortune had 
robbed his patient tactics of all the glory due to them ; 
and he knew that Pitt strangely undervalued his zeal 
and skill. Now the chance of his life was come, and so 
he played a game that perhaps no one else would have 
dared to play, and hurled his Fleet upon Conflans at the 
entrance of Quiberon Bay on a dark night, in a winter 
gale, on a lee shore. Conflans never dreamed that any 
one would follow him in such weather upon such a 
coast, and indeed Hawke piled up two of his own 
vessels. But of Conflans' Fleet six were either taken, 
sunk or wrecked, and the remainder fled up the little 
river Vilaine on the top of an exceptionally high tide ; 
it might be months before they would be able to get 
out again. This was on November 20th ; the Brest and 
Toulon Fleets were both as good as gone, and so ended 
the great year '59, the ' Year of Victories/ 

Throughout the winter Choiseul kept on attempting 
to induce Pitt to desert Frederick. Pitt answered by 
fresh and fresh reinforcements to Ferdinand's Army. 
Ferdinand therefore, in 1760, was able not only to hold 
his own, though against nearly double his number, but 


to detach troops to help Frederick, and once more to 
strike, though only in a short raid, across the Rhine. 
At Warburg in Westphalia that gallant English soldier 
John Manners, Marquis of Granby, who had been robbed 
by Sackville of the glory which would have been his 
at Minden, led the British Cavalry to a victory which 
contributed principally to Ferdinand's success ; and in 
every succeeding engagement till the close of the war 
Granby's own regiment (the Blues) earned immortal 
honour. Frederick, for his part, made headway again, 
and, though very hard up both for men and money, 
beat Austrians and Russians at Liegnitz in Silesia, and 
Austrians again at Torgau in Saxony. In the East 
Indies it was also a great year ; the year of the apiarela 
of Admiral Pocock at sea and Sir Eyre Coote on land, 
of the battle of Wandewash and (January, 1761) of the 
fall of Pondicherry. Pitt would fain have struck at the 
French East Indian base, the Mauritius, but was obliged 
to employ the expedition he had designed for that 
purpose nearer home. And in America the end came. 
Amherst, with admirable prudence, left the direct advance 
from our centre to Brigadier Haviland, who finally took 
the position at Noix, while with his own forces he felt 
round to the left till he got in touch with Bradstreet on 
the Great Lakes ; then the two of them began to nego- 
tiate successfully the descent of the St. Lawrence, rapids 
and all, towards Montreal. Bourlamaque and Bougain- 
ville resisted Haviland's and Amherst's advancing 
columns with great tenacity, but were overpowered in 
every action. Murray with his war-worn remnant 
marched out of Quebec towards his colleagues, and, 
early in September, the three columns converged under 
the walls of Montreal. Vaudreuil, with barely 3,000 to 


oppose to sixfold that number, felt that enough had 
been done for honour, and capitulated for the whole 
of New France on September 8th, 1760. To Amherst 
his due, which no one until Mr. Fortescue has really 
given him ; the conquest of Canada was his work ; and 
the difficulties of transport, of commissariat, of con- 
ciliation, must indeed have been overwhelming. Yet 
without a few Wolves even this excellent organizer of 
victory might have failed. Six weeks after the fall of 
Montreal died King George II., cBtat. yj. 

Other people were dying too ; in January '61 died the 
gallant French War Minister, Belleisle, heart and soul 
of all invasion-plans, who had once been prisoner in 
England, and knew something about the fruits of govern- 
ment by Walpole, Pelham and Co. But even more im- 
portant for Britain was the death in 1759 of the peaceable 
King Ferdinand VI. of Spain, for he was succeeded by 
his half-brother, Carlos III., a fine, rough, spirited 
character, who hated England bitterly, and who did 
something and tried to do more to revive the great 
traditions and the prosperity of his noble people. Now 
all sorts of nonsense has been written about the foresight 
of Pitt and the blindness of his colleagues in regard to 
the certain attitude of this new king. Any one could 
foresee that it needed little to impel Spain, already 
growling at our treatment of her neutral ships, to take 
serious thought for her own American possessions in full 
view of a Britain drunk with glory and self-confidence ; a 
man who doesn't look out his hose-pipe when his neigh- 
bour's house is ablaze is a fool. The point on which Pitt 
differed from all his colleagues, except Lord Temple, 
as well as from the new King and the new favourite, 
John, Earl of Bute, was in wishing to spring upon Spain 


before he could prove that any Treaty had been signed 
between her and France, and even without declaration 
of war. Here he had even Lord Granville against him, 
and here his imperious temper and reckless language 
in the Cabinet gave away his own cause. 

At first he merely took the very sensible step of 
diverting his expedition designed against Mauritius to 
the seizure of the island of Belleisle, off the West coast of 
France. It might prove a most convenient exchange for 
Minorca, or might even be fortified into a new Minorca 
to bridle Brest. Its capture was one of the splendid 
feats of the war, for it is a natural rock fortress, and 
art had made it even stronger ; Keppel, Lambart and 
Craufurd were the heroes of the siege, June, 1761. In 
that same month Dominica, West Indies, was seized 
by Lord Rollo, and preparations for a fresh attack on 
Martinique began. But Choiseul had been for some 
months suggesting a peace conference, and he now began 
to slide in suggestions about the ' mediation of the King 
of Spain ' ; next, even after these fresh losses, he began 
to speak of the ' grievances of the King of Spain.' 
From this time (say July), no one doubted that the two 
Bourbon Powers were acting in concert in some shape or 
other. But Choiseul, astutest of diplomatists, knew some- 
thing of what naturalists would call the ' life-history ' 
of English Ministries, and of the pendulum of English 
opinion. No doubt he was also well informed of the 
temper of the new Court of England ; knew, for instance, 
that Newcastle went whispering about the ' fear of ex- 
citing all Powers against Britain ' and about ' no country 
being able to stand such expenditure much longer ' ; l 

1 There were then 200,000 soldiers in British pay if you 
count the German Auxiliaries with Ferdinand, 


that the Duke of Bedford and Lord Bute, originally 
Pitt's friends, were ' shocked ' at his colossal notions 
of British greatness — it was so easy to shock an 
Eighteenth Century Peer — and that they were justly 
alienated by his overbearing and theatrical manner. 

A ' Family Compact,' closer than any previous Treaty, 
and a Special Convention for immediate use were signed 
in deep secrecy between Spain and France on August 15th. 
Spain would declare war on England on May 1st, '62, if 
England had not made peace earlier. Now Pitt knew 
nothing of the details or of the dates of this Treaty ; in 
fact, there is no evidence that he knew anything which 
his colleagues did not know. But in September inter- 
cepted despatches clearly revealed that Spain was 
really only waiting to strike till her Plate Fleet, due in 
October or November, should get to Cadiz, and till her 
West Indies could be decently warned and reinforced. 
And, though Anson, Granville and Ligonier were against 
him, I think Pitt was right in wishing to strike at once, 
not in order to capture the stupid Plate ships, but to 
precipitate a Peace by bringing Spain at once to her 
knees. But he was wrong in making no attempt to 
manage his colleagues, who were quite willing to make 
preparations for the inevitable Spanish war ; he allowed 
his inordinate pride to get the better of his patriotism, 
and resigned his office on October 6th. 

His last plans, however, had been so well and truly 
laid that Martinique, which proved almost as tough a 
job as Belleisle, fell to Rodney at the opening of 1762, 
and then Grenada, Tobago, St. Lucia and Marie Galante. 
Spain, having got her pieces of eight safe home, laid, in 
December, 1761, an embargo on British ships, and war 
was declared in the first days of the new year. Spain 

THE SPANISH WAR, 1762 221 

meant, among other things, to hammer our old and 
faithful ally, Portugal, into submission at once, and so 
to close the harbour of Lisbon to us. France would 
then overwhelm Ferdinand — 1761 had been a bad year 
for him till July, when he won a battle at Vellinghausen, 
since which time he had been again on the defensive 
between two French Annies each larger than his own — 
and surely some one could be found in Eastern Europe 
capable of dealing the coup de grace at that man 
Frederick. Finally, up should spring the Neutral Navies 
upon the same side, and then let the Sea-Queen look 
to her crown ! A Squadron of seven sail actually broke 
blockade again at Brest before the end of 1761, and was 
off to the West Indies to combine with the Spaniards 
for an attack on Jamaica. 

But oh, perverse fate of the gallant French sailors ! 
They arrived to find Martinique in Rodney's hands, 
to learn that, on news of their approach, Rodney had 
flown, without orders, to the rescue of Jamaica, and 
that their junction with the Spaniards was impossible. 
And oh, perverse fate of their Austrian allies ! On 
January 5th, 1762, died Frederick's bitter foe, the Czarina 
Elizabeth of Russia ; her successor, Peter III., was 
Frederick's warmest friend ; one day the whole Russian 
Army was threatening Frederick's very existence, the 
next day it was under his command. As for Ferdinand, 
odds of two to one seemed to make little impression on 
him ; one knows not which to admire most, the man's 
skilful strategy, his unfailing patience and tact, or the 
splendid valour which he inspired into his soldiers on 
every day of action. Meanwhile, in April, Anson sent 
Admiral Pocock with a powerful Fleet and large Army 
against Havana, the virgin capital of Cuba, the richest 


city in the New World ; and from Madras another force 
was sent to the Philippine Islands, to reduce Manila, 
the great Spanish mart in the the Far East ; these were 
Anson's last tasks, and he died a few days before the 
siege of Havana began. Pitt's successors were wooden- 
minded Secretaries, Bute, Egremont, George Grenville, 
but they had only to take his plans out of a drawer, 
and so they readily made use of them. They did their 
best, however, to spoil one of them, for they let Cumber- 
land (who now ominously reappeared and ' advised ' 
his nephew George III.) nominate to the command of 
the troops for Havana an Earl of Albemarle after his 
own heart. And so, when Pocock had felt his way with 
astonishing skill and audacity along the uncharted 
channel between the Bahamas and the North shore of 
Cuba, where no ship-of-war had ever sailed before (a 
biscuit-toss between reef and reef in some places), and 
had thereby taken the city of Havana by utter surprise, 
this worthy soldier refused all attempts to storm, though 
the rotten old walls were not guarded by three thousand 
men, and sat down to ' open the trenches ' to slow music 
in a July sun, and in exactly the wrong place. The 
Spaniard Velasco made a defence worthy of the greatest 
day sof his Nation, and Albemarle gave him plenty of 
time to strengthen himself. The waste of English life 
was awful, and not till August 14th did the city yield. 
Velasco died of his wounds received in the last breach. 
The booty was enormous, and included twelve fine 
Spanish ships in the inner harbour. In October, on the 
other side of the world, Manila fell also ; while the 
Spanish attempt on Portugal, which had seemed certain 
of success, had collapsed five months before, because 
six thousand British troops, with a good German Count 


of Lippe-Biickeburg as commander, had stiffened the 
Portuguese Army, and three English ships, which were 
all Admiral Saunders could spare from blockade of the 
Straits, had sufficed to frighten the Spaniards away 
from Lisbon. 

As the story draws to a close, it is humorous to see 

that Newcastle was soon intriguing against Bute as 

eagerly as he had intrigued against Pitt. Bute, at 

least, knew what he meant — peace at any price ; and 

he withdrew in the spring of '62 the annual subsidy 

from Frederick. Newcastle, who had shivered at the 

idea of paying it, shivered at the audacity of withdrawing 

it. To his intense astonishment, Bute coolly dismissed 

him, and got himself made First Lord of the Treasury. 

He called in Fox to be Leader of the Commons, and to 

bribe that body into accepting any terms of peace it 

might please him to suggest. He wanted to desert 

Frederick and Ferdinand in some striking manner, 

regardless of the fact that it was the latter's victory 

at Willemsthal in June that led Choiseul to consider 

seriously the granting of peace. 

For now it was the victor who sued and the thrice 
vanquished who granted terms. Frederick's Russian 
friendship did not outlive his Russian friend, who, 
after six months' reign, was murdered by his wife, 
Katharine, in July. That lady became Katharine II., 
and recalled her troops from the Prussian Army; but they 
stayed just long enough to enable Frederick to make 
good his footing in Silesia once more ; for him, too, 
peace was not far off. Ferdinand ended up in October 
with a last victory at Cassel, in which Granby played a 
distinguished part. As soon as Bute heard of the fall of 
Havana he proposed to France and Spain to restore it 

224 PEACE OF PARIS, 1763 

to the latter, if Spain would give England the barren 
swamp of Florida instead ; and on these terms the 
preliminaries were signed in November, the news from 
Manila coming too late to affect them. The final Peace 
dates from February 10th, 1763. By it France ceded 
to the British Crown all Canada, the Eastern half of 
Louisiana, the Islands of St. Vincent, Tobago and 
Grenada, the fort of Senegal in West Africa ; she also 
restored Minorca, not to Spain but to Great Britain ; 
but she recovered her really important West Indies, 
Martinique, Guadeloupe and Marie Galante, while the 
other West Indian islands, which we had taken, again 
became neutral : she recovered Belleisle ; she received, 
as fishing stations, two little Islands of St. Pierre and 
Miquelon off the coast of Newfoundland ; she dismantled 
the fortifications of Dunkirk ; and, though she recovered 
from us her three principal East Indian stations, she 
promised never to fortify them again. To Spain she 
ceded the other (Western) half of Louisiana ; and Spain, 
who recovered Havana and Manila, ceded to us merely 

So the whole coast of North America from the Pole 
to the mouth of the Mississippi became British. And, 
in spite of the scuttle with which it had been purchased, 
and the low political views of the negotiator, this Peace 
of Paris was, like that of Utrecht, a ' great Treaty ' ; 
the greatest statesman of the period, Lord Granville, 
said so with his dying breath, and even quoted Homer 
to show his right to be interested in it. If Pitt denounced 
it, and even appealed against it, with some show of 
fairness, to popular passion, it was mainly because he 
could cry that we were deserting Frederick, which 
to some extent was true, though not as true as 


Frederick declared it to be. To Englishmen Frederick 
was more than ever the ' Protestant hero/ and in that 
capacity still swings, visible to all men, over many 
an English public-house. 1 On similar signs swings, at 
Dorking and elsewhere, ' the Marquis of Granby.' 
As for Ferdinand, ' the men that fought at Minden ' 
showed the same mutinous unwillingness to leave his 
Army as the men that fought at Malplaquet had shown 
to leave Eugene's. John, Earl of Bute, on the other 
hand, dared hardly appear in the streets ; the mob 
rejoiced to consume, in one bonfire with a Jack Boot, 
a lady's petticoat, in allusion to the fact that the hand- 
some Scot was supposed to be too fond of George III.'s 
amiable mother. All this was a bad omen for the new 
reign. The epitaph on the old one was spoken seven 
years later by Edmund Burke. 8 

One of the half-forgotten lessons of the war is ' never 
despise the French Navy.' 3 At the Peace England had 

1 Perhaps this is a recollection of childhood ; recently I have 
noticed that the sign of the ' King of Prussia ' usually resembles 
the late Emperor William I. 

2 " George II. carried the glory, the power, the commerce of 
England to an height unknown even to this renowned Nation in 
the times of its greatest prosperity ; and he left his succession 
resting on the true and only foundation of all national and all 
regal greatness ; affection at home, reputation abroad, trust in 
Allies, terror in rival Nations. The most ardent lover of his 
country cannot wish for Great Britain an happier fate than 
to continue as she was then left." — Burke, ' Thoughts on the 
Present Discontents.' 

3 " We may laugh at 'em," said my Father, " and call 'em 
Johnny Crapows, but they are a right brave nation, if they 
ar'n't good seamen ; but that I reckons the fault of their lingo, 
for it's too noisy to carry on duty well with, and so they never 
will be sailors till they lam English." — Captain Marryat's 
' Poor Jack,' p. 31. 

VOL. Ill 15 


at least no great ships in full commission and in 
perfect fighting trim, such a Navy as the world had 
never seen. But France, with not half that number, 
and seldom during the whole war with much above 
half the existing English number, had never entirely 
relaxed her efforts : ' She kept the command of the 
sea in dispute till the very end.' When she made 
peace her great Minister Choiseul industriously set to 
work to increase her naval strength ; while the Sea- 
Queen hung up her crown in Westminster Abbey and 
went to sleep again, or allowed dirty political party 
squabbles to fritter away her strength. 


(SCOTLAND, 1 660-1 745) 

The return of King Charles was welcomed by all Scots- 
men, except a few fanatics, with universal joy. Yet 
the Protectorate had had its merits ; if it had enforced 
upon Scotland a sham Parliamentary Union, it had given 
her free trade with England, and, in the teeth of the 
shrieking Covenanters, it had silenced the Assembly of 
the Kirk and insisted on the ' deadly and damnable sin 
of toleration.' 

Charles repealed the Union and restored the Scots 
Parliament, but his English Parliament took away 
the iree trade, and excluded Scots from the benefit of 
the Navigation Act. The settlement of the religious 
question, which was the thorniest of all, satisfied very 
few ; and the result was that Scotland was miserable. 
The fact is that she had been miserable ever since 1603. 
From 1603 to 1638 she had suffered all the evils of Home 
Rule in its worst form, and yet had been treated as a 
half alien Dependency ; then she had asserted herself 
by arms, and had been conquered at last only owing to 
her own fierce internal dissensions. She had been cut 
off, since the Reformation, from her old civilizing inter- 
course with France, and Holland had only recently 



begun to take the place of France as the refuge in which 
exiles could imbibe new political ideas. 

Yet she had learned something from the Civil Wars. 
She could not help seeing that the Houses at West- 
minster were a very different thing from her own single 
chamber of Parliament, ' in which they sat a' thegither, 
cheek by choul, and didna need to hae the same blethers 
twice ower again,' but which used, in spite of this ad- 
vantage, to delegate its powers to a Committee called 
the ' Lords of the Articles/ virtually nominated by the 
Crown. Moreover, she saw England getting richer and 
richer, and herself condemned to hopeless poverty for 
want of a market. And so, though the religious question 
loomed large to contemporaries, and has been allowed 
in history to overshadow all others, we must remember 
that constitutional and commercial grievances loomed 
large too, and could never get a perfectly satisfactory 
settlement. I will return to them by and by, but 
meanwhile we had better follow the beaten track and 
discuss the events that led to the so-called ' Killing 

We must remember ab initio two things : (1) That the 
Kirk — reserving that name for the Presbyterian Kirk 
alone — was divided in itself, into moderates or ' Reso- 
lutioners ' and fanatics or ' Protesters.' Both alike were 
strong Calvinists in doctrine, and clung to the ' West- 
minster Confession ' of 1647 ; but it was the latter alone 
who demanded the enforcement of the Covenant, upon 
pain of death, on every subject of King Charles. (2) 
That in 1660 the Episcopalian Church of Charles I. had 
been reduced to a mere ' suffering remnant,' numerically 
not greater than the still more suffering Catholic Church. 

For the first two years, indeed, the Earl of Middleton, 


once a Covenanter but subsequently a Royalist, who 
had commanded the cavalry at Worcester fight, did 
attempt, in the teeth of Scottish sentiment, a restoration 
of Episcopacy pure and simple ; but the real settlement 
dates from 1663, when Lauderdale, a far more shrewd 
statesman, got the ear of the King and tried to bring 
about a fusion of the Episcopalian ' remnant ' with the 
Moderates of the Kirk ; and, if we cry out upon the 
failure of the experiment, and regret that it was begun 
two years too late, we must still admit that it was an 
honest attempt to find a via media. But the via media 
was vitiated by the political circumstances in which it 
was tried, and by those of the two years preceding it ; it 
was Royalists who had to be restored and indemnified, 
and many Royalists had been Episcopalians. The 
bloody savagery of Argyll towards every Royalist and 
every personal enemy had gone hand in hand with the 
1 rabbling ' of Episcopalian clergy by the Covenanting 
mob. Could Scotland — the last home of the family 
feud in civilized Europe — be expected to exact no 
vengeance for these things ? I think, on the whole, 
the vengeance was very moderate, but it was unfortunate 
that the religious settlement was mixed up in men's 
minds with the political and personal vengeance ; they 
appeared to be part and parcel of the same thing, and 
the sufferers by the political vengeance were given the 
air of religious martyrs. Argyll, who had given Mont- 
rose no trial, got a fair trial and was beheaded. Johnstone 
of Warristoun and two ministers — one Guthrie, who 
was openly calling out, in his * Causes of God's Wrath,' 
for civil war — were hanged. The Scots Parliament 
repealed en bloc all civil and religious Acts passed since 
1639, passed a moderate Act of Supremacy, imposed 


on all holders of office an oath of ' non-resistance/ and 
re-established an Episcopal Church. But it did not 
burn, as the English Parliament burned, the Covenant 
by the hands of the hangman, it did not impose Laud's 
or any other Prayer Book, and there was no difference 
in doctrine or ritual between the ' Kirk ' and this new 
' Church,' except that the ' curates ' or ' piskies,' as 
their opponents called the new ministers, got into the 
habit of using the Lord's Prayer and the Gloria Patri. 
All alike prayed and preached extempore in black gowns, 
administered the Sacrament to sitting communicants, 
held Kirk Sessions and Synods, and enforced morality 
(?) by making naughty people stand on the stool of 
repentance to be preached at. 

What, then, was all the subsequent fuss about ? 
Not about ritual, not about doctrine, not even, I think, 
because the Church was now governed by fourteen 
Bishops ; but because the General Assembly of the 
Kirk was taken away, and, with it, the power, which 
the Kirk had so fearfully abused, of excommunication. 
In other words, it was about Erastianism — the ' black 
Erastianism ' ; the State had imposed forms upon the 
Church. The Covenanters did not want toleration, they 
spurned it when it was hurled at them by three successive 
* Declarations of Indulgence ' ; they desired to tyrannize 
over men's souls (and bodies) with a tyranny compared 
to which Laud's had been a mild paternal chastisement 
It is perfectly clear that nothing short of supremacy 
over every department of State, over every act of family 
and individual life, would have satisfied those who now 
cried out against the new settlement. Now no reason- 
able Government could permit this ; and, when time 
after time their prophets rose in rebellion for this 


cause, no Government could have refused to suppress 


So manifest did these things become that, in spite of 
the fact that the shaping of the Episcopal Church fell 
into bad hands, in spite of the blunders and cruelty 
of many who had the task of suppressing revolts, 
cruelty sometimes involving flagrant violations of civil 
liberty, the loyalty of five-sixths of Scotland to King 
Charles was never in the least shaken, and its loyalty 
to King James VII. only ended when he began to in- 
troduce Popery with a high hand. Nay more, a large 
majority of the Nation had before 1689 rallied to the 
very moderate Episcopal Church. Thus it was a 
minority, and mainly a political minority, which tri- 
umphed with the substitution of Presbyterianism for 
Episcopacy in 1690. And, as we have seen in England 
during the struggle of 1679-89, High Church and Low 
Church becoming ' Tory ' and ' Whig/ so in Scotland 
Whig and Tory ultimately became but names for Pres- 
byterian-Hanoverian and Episcopalian- Jacobite. The 
last dying embers of the family feud came in to aid this ; 
a Cameron or a Macdonald, an Ogilvy or a Graham, 
was bound to be a Tory just because a Campbell, a 
Mackay, or a Dalrymple was sure to be a Whig. All 
that is changed now, but perhaps in the hearts of some 
of us the old song still finds an echo : — 

To see gude corn upon the rigs, 

And a gallows built to hang the Whigs, 

And the Right restored where the Right should be, 

Oh ! that is the thing that would wanton me. 

Alas ! there are no Whigs left to hang ; and, if there 
were, there are few Tories of convictions strong enough 
to pull at the tow ; the Right has passed away unre- 


storable, and the green rigs of many a Scottish county 
are blackened slag-heaps or covered with roaring 

But the shaping of the Church did fall into bad hands. 
Only one Bishop of Charles I.'s time survived ; thirteen 
Sees and five-sixths of the manses had to be filled 
with moderate Presbyterians who accepted Episcopacy. 
James Sharp, minister of Crail, an astute man, had 
been sent to negotiate at Breda and London on behalf 
of the Kirk. Convinced (by whatever arguments) that 
the maintenance of the Kirk was hopeless, he returned 
to Scotland as Archbishop of St. Andrews. To the 
' godly ' he at once became a compound of Lucifer and 
Laud, of Judas and Strafford, to slay whom became the 
first duty of every champion of the broken Covenant. 
He was, indeed, selfish, grasping and vulgar, and he 
cringed to the Royalist nobles, who despised him and told 
him so. Only one of the Restoration bishops, Robert 
Leighton, was specially famous for learning or piety, 
and oddly enough he was the son of that ferocious 
Alexander Leighton whom Laud had whipped for 
denouncing Bishops as " knobs and wens of bunchy 
Popish flesh." Could Leighton have ruled at St. 
Andrews the subsequent history of Scotland might 
have been different ; and yet Leighton, after all, was a 
Saint rather than a Statesman. 

At first some three hundred Covenanting ministers 
refused to conform to the new Establishment. This 
number was gradually reduced by successive Declara- 
tions of Indulgence to less than a hundred, and all who 
finally refused were 'outed,' 1 and their lot was very hard. 

1 Remember that in England two thousand were ' outed ' in 
1 66?. 


Persecution of such there undoubtedly was, and by very 
rough hands, for they rebelled, and suppression of rebel- 
lion easily develops into persecution. The ' Martyrs of 
the Covenant/ who had, in the hour of their triumph, 
been zealous even unto slaying, though their numbers 
and sufferings have been ludicrously exaggerated by 
Whig tradition, are a real fact, and one which we 
can never sufficiently regret. But the persecution was 
never consistent. The main agents were the Scottish 
Privy Council and Sharpe's ' Court of High Commission,' 
established in 1664 for the purpose of enforcing con- 
formity. The Privy Council was constantly hampered 
by contradictory instructions from London, and 
perhaps sometimes exceeded these instructions. Charles, 
much as he had hated the old Kirk, was all for toleration 
except in cases of rebellion. Clarendon hated the whole 
* nation of vermin,' as he called the Scots, and other 
English Ministers were profoundly indifferent. The 
persecutors in the Council were the very men who, then 
and afterwards, were defending the independence of 
Scotland against Clarendon and his kind. Further, 
we must not forget that every symptom of modera- 
tion, every grant of indulgence, was treated by the 
Covenanters (as such things always are treated by 
Radicals) as a confession of weakness ; that the Dutch 
were constantly intriguing with the malcontents, that 
they fomented the rising of 1666 and tried to foment 
another in 1672 ; that Holland swarmed with plotters 
and exiles from Scotland ; finally, that the Covenanters, 
when they had once taken up arms, established a perfect 
reign of terror, not only in Galloway but in all the five 
South-Western shires, in which district alone there was 
discontent. No curate's house or person was safe in 


that remote country ; and the ' prophets/ Welsh, 
Cargill, Peden, Cameron, constantly travelled about 
exciting the peasantry to the work of ' rabbling,' and 
denouncing the King and his Ministers by every evil 
name known to Old Testament history. 

The leading director of the Scottish Privy Council 
from 1663-78 was John Maitland, Earl, and soon Duke of 
Lauderdale, once the delegate of the Presbyterians in the 
Westminster Assembly. He had been the King's personal 
friend ever since '49, and, in '5o-'5i, had saved him 
from many humiliations at the hands of Argyll. From 
Worcester till the Restoration he had been in prison ; of 
coarse talk and immoral life, he was yet a finished scholar 
and linguist and a wit among the wits at Whitehall. If 
Sharp was an apostate, Lauderdale was a mocking 
apostate, ' ready to take a cartload of oaths.' For 
Bishops as such he cared not a jot, and made them feel 
it. For Scotland he cared a good deal, and resisted 
stoutly all Anglicizing measures. Rivals he had in 
plenty, but till the day of his death, 1682, he retained 
the King's favour, though he took no part in affairs after 
'79. Just about the date of Lauderdale's retirement 
we meet other two whom Whig tradition has raised to 
a Satanic eminence, the accomplished scholar and lawyer 
Sir George Mackenzie of Rosehaugh, the founder of the 
Advocates' Library in Edinburgh, ' the bluidy advocate 
Mackenyie, who for his worldly wit and wisdom had 
been to the rest as a God ' ; and John Graham of Claver- 
house, of royal blood and also of kin to the great Marquis 
of Montrose. Claverhouse had fought under William of 
Orange and saved his life at Seneff ; * he, too, was a man 

1 There has been a controversy over this fact ; certainly 
Claverhouse was in William's service at the time. 


of carnal learning, odious to the godly, who regretted 
that they could never prove him to be addicted to wine 
and women as most of the Tories were supposed to be. 
Behind these leading figures come the lesser lights, 
whom Scott, in the weirdest of all his tales, has gathered 
round the infernal table — ' the fierce Middleton, the 
dissolute Rothes . . . Dalyell with his bald head and a 
beard to his girdle ' (he had served in Russia and let 
his beard grow ever since Charles L's death) . . . ' and 
wild Bonshaw that tied blessed Mr. Cargill's limbs till 
the blude sprung,' etc., etc. 

The Acts which made persecution law were of course 
Acts of the Scottish Parliament : but we must remember 
that the Crown, through the Lords of the Articles, 
decided what Bills should and what should not be 
brought in and read, and also that from 1673 to 1681 no 
Parliament met. The Act of 1663 forbidding ' outed ' 
ministers to hold ' Conventicles,' re-enacted in 1670 with 
the death penalty attached to it, is the mainspring of 
the persecution. Now a Conventicle, i.e. an assembly 
for public worship in some place other than a parish 
church, sounds a very harmless thing ; but a Scottish 
Conventicle of the reign of Charles II. or James VII. 
came to mean an assembly of many hundreds of armed 
peasants, with their wives, gathered from perhaps 
thirty or forty parishes, on some remote Galloway 
moor, listening from sunrise to sunset to some Ephraim 
Macbriar or Habakkuk Mucklewrath, as he lifted 
up hands that had born fetters in testimony for the 
broken Covenant, which had been the marriage garment 
of the Bride of Christ, and denounced as bloody Doegs 
and Agags not only King and Council, but every 
Christian who did not rise in rebellion against them. 


The listeners might, indeed, as Cuddie Headrigg did, 
' catch a gude fit o' the batts wi' sitting amang the 
wat moss-hags for four hours at a yoking ' ; but they 
caught flame in their hearts, and were ready for any 
deed of violence. It was such meetings as these which 
inspired the first outbreak in the Glenkens in 1666, 
when a band of insurgents occupied Dumfries, grew to 
the number of 2,000 before they got to Lanark, but 
were routed at Rullion Green by General Dalyell ; 
thirty-five persons were executed, and many more im- 
prisoned in uncomfortable places like the Bass Rock. 

The Government answered on the one hand with a 
much stiffer Act of Supremacy over the Church, and 
on the other with the first Declaration of Indulgence, 
of which one hundred and twenty of the less extreme 
Covenanters took advantage. An ' indulged ' minister 
was not asked to be reordained, to own the lawfulness 
of Episcopacy, or even to renounce the Covenant ; he 
was merely to allow the Bishop to admit him to 
his church, and to give security that he would pray 
for the King and hold his tongue on politics. The 
remnant who refused this naturally became fiercer 
than ever; ' Laodiceans,' ' Achitophels,' ' Esaus,' 'dumb 
dogs who bark not,' were the least words that the 
carnal compliers with the ' Black Indulgence ' got from 
the field preachers. Many of the Bishops, even the 
better ones, liked the Indulgence very little ; it seemed 
an abandonment of principle, as indeed it was ; and, 
so hard is it for any Scot to be an Erastian, they 
liked the new Act of Supremacy even less. Lauderdale, 
with horrid glee, actually kicked out a remonstrating 
Archbishop of Glasgow and put Leighton in his place. 
Leighton \rent to the most Covenanting diocese in 

THE RISING OF 1679 237 

Scotland and tried, in the true spirit of an Apostle, to 
evangelize it ; but his health broke down in the effort, 
and he retired to end his days in Sussex. When he was 
gone, 1675, the search for Conventicles became more 
stringent. Soldiers were quartered on Galloway lairds, 
who, though seldom extreme Covenanters, felt for their 
tenants with the kindly feeling of those days. In *yy 
Lauderdale actually sent several thousand Highlanders 
into that district at free quarter, and it shows how 
utterly contemptuous he was of the feelings of his 
opponents. No act of personal violence is proved 
against these amiable savages, but when they went 
home again early in 'y8, they naturally turned their 
hereditary skill in cattle-driving to its best account. 
All that bad year there were two conflicting reigns of 
terror in Galloway ; and in May, '79, when the fanatics 
at last, after many attempts, ' got ' the Archbishop of 
St. Andrews, the storm burst. 

The Covenanting standard, blue and red, with ' No 
quarter to the enemies of the Covenant ' on it, was raised 
by Sharp's red-hand murderers at Rutherglen near 
Glasgow, and thousands rallied to it. Claverhouse, who 
was Conventicle-hunting in that region, got more than 
he bargained for, some two hundred of his men being 
put to flight at Drumclog. Glasgow fell, and Edinburgh 
began to feel uncomfortable. Happily the insurgents 
spent so much time in quoting texts for and against the 
lawfulness of religious murder and other high points of 
Covenant theology, that the Government was able to 
get troops from England under the Duke of Monmouth. 
Still the insurgents were nearly three to one when they 
at last marched to meet Monmouth at Bothwell Brigg, 
between Glasgow and Hamilton. They there threw 


away an impregnably strong position, and made no 
fight at all ; most of their horse escaped, but their 
foot were cut down in hundreds in the pursuit. The 
vengeance of the Government even then was mild ; 
some seven were hanged and some 250 banished or 

Richard Cameron — hence the title ' Cameronians,' 
applied to extreme Covenanters down to the middle of 
the Eighteenth Century — and Donald Cargill kept the 
flame of resistance alight till they too were caught and 
killed ; they had just published, at Queensferry and at 
Sanquhar, declarations excommunicating the King and 
the Duke of York and ' delivering them over to Satan.' 
But only one of Sharp's murderers could ever be 
caught ; and, immediately after Bothwell Brigg, Govern- 
ment published a fresh Declaration of Indulgence, 
allowing Nonconformists to preach in private houses 
provided they abstained from doing so in the fields. 

Let me suggest to the reader to keep in mind the 
contemporary thread of English politics — the year of 
Bothwell Brigg is the year of the first ' Exclusion Bill ' 
fuss, a fuss that brought with it the first two visits, 
1680 and 1681, of the Duke of York, now openly a 
Papist, to Scotland. It says much for the peacefulness 
and loyalty of the North (always excepting those 
terrible fellows in Galloway) that, when James' life 
was hardly safe in England, he could be so very 
well received, as he was, by all classes in Edinburgh. 
He held a Parliament in 1681, and perhaps the absurd 
Test Act that it passed was a compromise between 
his wishes and those of loyal Protestant Episcopal 
Scotland. All persons holding civil office or ecclesi- 
astical preferment were to swear (a) that they held 


the confession of faith of 1560 (i.e. of John Knox), 
(b) that they upheld the royal supremacy over the 
Church (shade of John Knox !), (c) that they renounced 
the Covenant and the doctrine of resistance. This was 
really much the worst thing that the Scots Parlia- 
ment did between 1660 and 1689. So much did the 
best of the Episcopal clergy dislike it that eighty of 
them resigned their livings ; and naturally it did the 
Government no good with the other side. 

Now stepped forward the Earl of Argyll, son of 
1 Gillespie Grumach ' ; as Lord Lome he had fought by 
Charles' side at Worcester, he had been the friend of 
Lauderdale and a persecutor of Covenanters ; and he 
now protested against the Test ; he would take ' part of 
it, not all.' Suddenly his enemies fell upon him — the 
family feud blazed up again, and foolish James fanned 
it ; rivers of blood lay between the House of Campbell 
and the Houses of Ogilvy and Graham. Argyll was 
indicted for treason, condemned on ludicrous evidence, 
and fled to Holland. King Charles did not approve of 
this, and would certainly have pardoned Argyll had 
he not fled. An abler man than Argyll was driven in 
1683 into Dutch exile, Sir James Dalrymple of Stair, 
the great Whig lawyer, over whose family hung already 
the curse of the Bride of Lammermoor and was to hang 
the curse of Glencoe. And so on Dutch soil the seeds 
of resistance began to germinate ; in England it was 
the year of the Rye House Plot. Plots were, in fact, 
in the air in both countries, and the Scots Privy Council 
occasionally seized and tortured an agent, 1 among them 

1 Torture was still legal in Scotland and was occasionally used 
by both parties till 1709, when an Act of the United Parliament 
abolished it. 


good William Carstairs, afterwards leader of the 
Moderate Presbyterians and Whig Principal of Edin- 
burgh University. When Ren wick, a young Xameronian' 
minister lately come from Holland, posted up all over 
the West a declaration calling on God's people to rise 
and slay the enemies of God, ' especially the bloody 
soldiers and viperous Bishops and curates,' the Council 
replied with a fierce edict, by which all who refused to 
abjure Ren wick's declaration were to be shot at sight. 
It is then that the true * killing times ' begin, and that 
the cruelties attributed to Claverhouse did, or did not 
take place. That Claverhouse shot at sight rebels 
found with arms concealed in their homes, if they 
refused to take the Test, is undoubted : the famous 
John Brown, shot before his wife's eyes, was such a 
rebel. There is a well-known story of two women being 
drowned at Wigton, which is possibly true, although 
grave doubts have been thrown upon it ; two women 
had, however, been hanged in Edinburgh in 1681. 
Even if the ' killing time ' be extended from Rullion 
Green to the Revolution (1666-89), tne tota ^ number 
of authenticated ' Martyrs ' does not exceed the number 
of Jacobites executed by the English Government in 
the single year 1746. 

James visited Scotland again in 1684, and, though 
good Queen Mary Beatrice was, no doubt, a welcome 
change as head of Edinburgh society from Lauderdale's 
wicked wife, the Tory Ministers who continued Lauder- 
dale's policy were not much to boast of — the most 
notorious being James Drummond, Earl of Perth, who 
turned Papist to please his master. 

That fatal master became King as James VII. in 
February, 1685, and his Scots Parliament was as loyal 


as his English. But in the North, as in the South, "Att) 
had blinded him. His loyal Parliament passed fresh 
laws against Conventiclers and those who harboured 
them, threatening with death all who ' rabbled ' con- 
forming ministers, but refused to pass any serious 
measure for the relief of Catholics ; and on this and 
this alone the King's heart was set. Argyll's rising 
in 1685 was little more than the last rumbling of the 
old Rye House Plot, several of the agents of which, 
as well as some of Sharp's murderers, were among the 
poor three hundred who accompanied the Earl to 
Scotland. Argyll in fact was no politician ; his previous 
life had been excessively unstable, and he could not 
command even the allegiance of all his own Campbells. 
Worse than this, he had refused all combination with 
Monmouth, though both his and Monmouth's move- 
ments were financed and equipped in Holland. He 
tried the Orkneys, whence warning was sent to the 
Government, then tried the Clyde, and, after wandering 
aimlessly about, was captured in disguise and beheaded 
without fresh trial on the old charge. 

James meanwhile was rushing headlong to his ruin ; 
he filled his Privy Council with Papists, issued a general 
Declaration of Indulgence to all Nonconformists, put 
Jesuits into Holyrood Chapel, deprived a Bishop and an 
Archbishop for remonstrating against this desecration, 
and generally showed himself stark mad. Whatever 
the Bishops might think, these proceedings were too 
much for the Scottish laity ; gentle and simple alike 
preferred almost anything to Popery. The last ' Martyr 
of the Covenant,' Ren wick, hanged in the Grassmarket 
in February, 1688, met with a sympathy that the Edin- 
burgh mob had shown to no others of that gang. And, 

vol. in 16 


when William landed in Torbay, although no outbreak 
took place till James had fled, Scotland was more ripe 
for revolt than England. In vain Lord Balcarres offered 
to raise in Scotland a loyal militia to overawe the North 
of England ; James, or Perth for him, preferred to send 
Claverhouse and his 3,000 regular troops to join his 
Army in the South, and this left Scotland without a single 
royal soldier. The Scots Privy Council was powerless, 
the Edinburgh mob rose in December, sacked Holyrood, 
and slaughtered its defenders. Galloway was already 
aflame, and, before the end of November, two hundred 
Episcopalian ministers were fleeing for their lives. 
Claverhouse (just created Viscount Dundee) and Bal- 
carres had met James in London, and implored him to 
throw himself upon the loyalty of Scotland, but either it 
was too late or the hero of Solebay had become a coward. 
When he had fled to France, a party of Scots Peers, 
led by Hamilton, asked William to call a Scottish, as 
he had called an English Convention. In this body, 
which met in Edinburgh under the anti-papist reign of 
terror, few Jacobites had anything to say ; indeed, 
there was nothing for any one to say for James. The 
great Tory nobles, Hamilton, Atholl, Queensberry, were 
beginning to slip over to the Whig side, though a few 
cannon-shot from the Duke of Gordon, who held the 
Castle, might have stiffened their backs. The younger 
Dalrymple pulled the Whig wires with the utmost skill, 
and Dundee, who would never recognize a Whig King, 
concluded that there was nothing to be done but to raise 
the Highlands for his graceless, spiritless master. He 
rode out of Edinburgh with a handful of horse, and, 
when he was gone, there entered Mackay with four 
regiments of Scots-Dutch, who proceeded further to 


seize Stirling Castle. Then the few Jacobites who 
remained in the Convention melted away, and the 
brave, if ' bluidy ' Mackenzie was one of the only 
four who voted against the motion by which James 
was declared to have forfeited the Crown, April 4th, 
1689. A week later William and Mary were proclaimed 
at the Cross. 

Meanwhile the poor despised Scottish Bishops, who 
had writhed under the Erastian tyranny of Lauderdale 
almost as much as the Covenanters whom they were 
supposed to be persecuting, showed themselves to be 
of sterner stuff than the lay nobles. The Bishop of 
Edinburgh went as their deputy to London, to express 
their unfaltering loyalty to King James and to concert 
measures with Sancroft and the other English Bishops. 
Sancroft had little to recommend but ' passive obedi- 
ence ' ; more worldly advisers told the good man to 
save his Church by recognizing William. William would, 
in fact, fain have saved the Episcopal Church, which 
had now on its side, as he knew, a large majority of the 
upper classes of Scotland. But, without a shadow of 
hesitation, the Fathers of that Church elected to go 
out into the wilderness and become Non- Jurors. And 
Non-Jurors they practically remained till long after the 
1 'Forty-five.' It was a bitter proof to William, and one 
of the first, that he could only be King of a faction. 
And so into the ' Claim of Right,' drawn up by the Scots 
Convention in imitation of the English ' Declaration of 
Right,' a clause had to be inserted that ' Prelacy is and 
has been an insupportable grievance to this Nation ' ; 
and the Convention added that all ministers must take 
the oath of allegiance to William and Mary or vacate 
their manses. In July, '89, an Act of the Convention, 


now turned into a Parliament, laid down that the 
Sovereigns were to settle Church Government ' in 
the way most agreeable to the interests of the people 
of Scotland ' ; had a plebiscite been fairly taken, 
this ' way ' would have been found to be moderate 

Among the humours of the situation we may note that 
the Presbyterians here gave themselves away, for once, 
to that wicked man Erastus. They actually asked the 
State to prescribe a Church for them ; in other words, 
the religious revolution was a mere Whig triumph, a 
triumph of the trading classes in the burghs over the 
landed gentry, while the mass of the nobles stood luke- 
warm or aloof ; religious passions had avowedly become 
mere political ones. 

Meanwhile, in March, '90, Dundee in the Highlands 
received a commission from James, and rewards were 
offered for his head. Mackay and he marched and 
countermarched against each other, while beating up 
recruits, and each was badly enough supported by the 
master for whom he was fighting. At last their Armies 
met just South of Blair Castle, which bars the Great 
North Road, in the fierce battle of Killiecrankie, where, 
with the loss of their heroic leader and nearly one-third 
of their force, the Jacobites obtained a barren triumph. 
In the rest of the campaign Mackay, a shrewd and brave 
veteran, had the best of it, and the desperate valour of 
the newly raised ' Cameronian ' regiment under Cleland 
drove the Highland Army back from the unfortified 
village of Dunkeld ; this practically ended the war. 
The disarmament of the ' insurgents,' most of whom 
had dispersed after Dundee's fall, was a more difficult 
matter. William, it must be remembered, had still on 


his hands the unfinished Irish campaign, and a huge war 
with France, and so was able to pay very little attention 
to Scotland ; the only agents whom he could trust were 
bitter Whigs, like the Dalrymples, thirsting for Tory 
blood, while he was obliged to pretend to trust noblemen 
whom he knew to be intriguing with his rival. Mackay 
did his best ; he built at the foot of Ben Nevis a fortress, 
whose site still bears the name of the King who was a 
Whig against his will, and posted a regiment there to 
keep order. Something was tried through Lord Breadal- 
bane in the way of ' satisfying with money ' Chiefs who 
would ' come in ' to the Government, but without much 
success ; finally the plan was adopted of fixing a date 
(January 1st, 1692) before which all Chiefs must take 

the oath of allegiance, or . 

The alternative was ' letters of fire and sword/ a 
policy difficult to execute in a wild country with the 
few troops Government could command. But John 
Dalrymple, son of Sir James, now Viscount Stair, was in 
William's confidence, and he unquestionably intended 
to use the proclamation against the Clans most obnoxious 
to himself, and was very much disappointed when he 
learned that, hopeless of finding a successor to Dundee, 
the leading clansmen were rapidly taking the oath. 
At the end of 1691 but two Macdonalds remained un- 
sworn, Glengarry, who was holding out in arms, and old 
Glencoe, head of a small Clan in an isolated valley, which 
could easily be barred at either end. John Dalrymple's 
spirits rose when he learned that, in consequence of 
deep snow, Glencoe had reached Inverary, in order to 
swear allegiance, too late to obtain the benefit of the 
proclamation (January 6th). Ten days later William 
in Flanders signed, perhaps unread, an order for the 


extermination of Glencoe and all his tribe. Dalrymple 
at once sent word to the Governor of Fort William to 
execute this order. The letter which he wrote is extant, 
and was sold by public auction a few weeks before these 
words were written. It is a bloody letter ; all under 
seventy years of age are to be slain. The Campbell 
(of Glenlyon) to whom the job was entrusted made it 
worse by entering the glen in peaceful guise, asking and 
receiving hospitality from his intended victims. At 
5 a.m. on February 13th he gave the order to fall on. 
Even then, seeing that we had become a little more 
humane since Argyll's great days, and that there was no 
Covenanting minister present to urge on ' the bonny 
wark,' only some thirty persons were killed ; the rest, 
including Glencoe's son, escaped. William, with the 
weight of Europe on his invalid shoulders, thought 
little of it, and the news only leaked out gradually ; 
there was no Milton to cry ' Avenge, oh Lord ! ' The 
Scottish Parliament, however, demanded an inquiry, 
and a report was afterwards drawn up which exonerated 
the King, but demanded the punishment of Dalrymple 
and several subordinates. It seems to me that William 
acted honourably in refusing to do more than dismiss 
Dalrymple from office, for he thus tacitly took the blame 
to his taciturn self. The verdict of posterity has not 
acquitted and cannot acquit him. 

The Church settlement was, after all, a more serious 
matter, and William gave way far too readily to the 
victorious political faction. His chief adviser was 
William Carstairs, who had suffered torture for the 
cause without losing all his moderation, but who found 
himself quite unable to procure any toleration for 
Episcopacy, when once the General Assembly of the 


Kirk had been allowed to meet. The Scottish Parlia- 
ment, indeed, was now intent upon another set of griev- 
ances, and left the details of the religious settlement to 
the Assembly itself. But it repealed the Supremacy 
Act of 1669, though not that of 1661 ; it abolished 
patronage, it declared the Westminster Confession to 
be the faith of Scotland, and it restored to their parishes 
some sixty of the survivors of 1661, henceforward called 
* the Antediluvians.' But it made no mention of the 
Covenant, and it took away all civil penalties from 

It was cruel to entrust these ' Antediluvians,' who at 
once dominated the General Assembly, with the final 
settlement. They were burning for vengeance, and 
barely tolerated the seventy-six survivors of the ' In- 
dulged ' ministers who sat beside them. Many moderates 
from among the ' piskies ' would have come in, but 
every one who had been ordained by a Bishop was 
contemptuously rejected. The result was that, in order 
to fill the vacant parishes, candidates very slenderly 
qualified with learning had to be ordained. Learning 
was, in fact, disestablished and dethroned for a whole 
generation ; nearly all the University Professors were 
' outed.' Moreover, whole districts in the North and 
East of Scotland absolutely refused to submit to the 
change ; newly appointed Presbyterian ministers were 
kept by force from taking possession, and flocks rallied 
round their Episcopalian ministers in devout though 
unseemly riots. Twenty years later there were still 
one hundred and sixty-five ' piskies ' in possession of 
their manses in defiance of the law. An ' Oath of 
Assurance ' imposed by Parliament on all ministers 
in 1693, to the effect that William and Mary were 


King and Queen de jure as well as de facto, did not 
add to the peace of Kirk or State ; while, on the other 
side, there was a fierce Cameronian remnant refusing 
all oaths to any King or Kirk which did not impose 
the Covenant on every living soul. In short, the only 
good thing done in the reign was the re-enactment in 
1696 of a law of Charles I., to the effect that a school 
and schoolmaster were to be maintained by the heritors 
in every parish in Scotland. 

We must now go back and trace briefly the causes 
other than religious which had made and were making 
Scotland unhappy. The commercial grievances dated 
from the exclusion of Scotland from the benefits of the 
English Navigation Act, if not from the Union of the 
Crowns itself. The Scots Parliament did, indeed, pass 
a Navigation Act of its own at the beginning of the 
reign, and did impose heavy duties upon certain imports 
from England and Ireland ; but, in the face of English 
jealousy, it had little means of enforcing its wishes, 
and the Scottish Kings were plainly told by their English 
Parliaments that Scottish competition would not be 
tolerated. Moreover, the Parliament at Edinburgh was 
not in any real sense free, being dominated by the 
Crown Committee of ' Lords of the Articles.' It was, 
perhaps, this condition of affairs which led Charles II. 
to push on, in spite of Lauderdale's secret resistance, 
a scheme for a United Parliament ; and when this failed 
(1669), to touch with the sceptre a great Scottish Act 
of 1681, heavily protecting a great number of nascent 
Scottish manufactures. By the date of the Revolution 
the constitutional spirit of the poor and proud country 
was definitely awake, and achieved a great triumph 
when, in 1690, after a year's debate, the Lords of the 


Articles were for ever abolished. Scotland had at last 
got some real means of making its wishes known ; and 
the Government at once found itself face to face with 
a highly discontented Nation. William's Commissioners, 
who presided in Scottish Parliaments, had a sore task, 
for, though most of the honest Jacobites were in prison 
and remained there, there were few of the leading nobles 
who did not have an intrigue with the exiled Court. 
Not all of these were necessarily * such a parcel of rogues 
in a Nation ' as Burns afterwards thought them to be. 
Some of them said to themselves, ' Well, if we've got 
to be Whigs, we may at least be rich, as riches and 
Whiggery seem to go together.' And this attitude was 
stimulated by the six years of starvation, 1 696-1 702, 
from which the country suffered. So great was then 
the famine that the Privy Council was obliged, like 
any French Revolutionist, to fix a maximum price for 
wheat and oatmeal ; the ' Causes of God's Wrath ' were 
indeed manifest, and Cameronian ranters did not spare 
to refer to them. 

It was, as we know, an age of speculation, an age in 
which people believed they could create markets and 
manufactures by Acts of Parliament, an age of paper 
money. The Bank of Scotland was founded in 1695. 
An East India Company was established in the next 
year, for pushing the products of Scottish industries 
wherever an opening could be found, and such capital 
as there was in Scotland was largely invested in its 
shares. William Paterson, a Lowland Scot, who had 
already projected the Bank of England, conceived the 
idea of including in the enterprises of this Company 
the foundation of a Scottish Colony at Darien, on the 
Isthmus of Panama. There was, as there still is, a fine 


vagueness about the name ' Panama ' ; it smelt of gold 
and Spaniards. Our French friends have in recent 
years invented the verb panamiser (= to get up a 
swindle) . Something like a quarter of a million, perhaps 
then half the available capital of Scotland, was sunk 
in the job. Scotsmen forgot that they had no fine 
manufactures to send to India or to Panama, no merchant 
ships to send them in, no Fleet to protect any merchant 
ships they might hire ; above all, they forgot the intense 
jealousy of their Southern neighbours. And William, 
whose heart was either among his Dutch tulip-beds or 
in the first line of some desperate battle in Flanders, 
carelessly promised to suspend the English Navigation 
Act for ten years and to protect with the English Fleet 
all Scottish ships engaged in foreign trade — and that at 
the very time when it was most important to his European 
policy to conciliate the Spaniards by every means in 
his power. Of course the English Parliament laughed 
in his face, and asked him for what purpose he supposed 
himself to have become King of England ? He was 
obliged to eat his words, and English and Spaniards joined 
hands to burst the pitiful bubble. Three expeditions, 
each duly accompanied by Presbyterian Ministers, Elders 
and stools of repentance, sailed to Darien in 1698-9, 
laden with heavy serges, tweeds, Kilmarnock bonnets, 
and other articles suitable to the bitter climate of tropical 
America ; those who landed endured fearful sufferings, 
starvation, Spanish prisons, internal dissensions, and 
found barely even a pirate to trade with. The result 
was the temporary ruin of the nascent Scottish 

From the failure of this scheme it became plain to all 
reflective Scots that but two courses were open to their 


country : separation from, or a commercial and political 
Union with England. Let us pause for a moment and 
see what Scotland had to ask and to offer in the latter 
case if England were to divert her from wilfully seeking 
her own salvation. 

She was a country with a population of about a 
million — say one-fifth of that of England ; with a Re- 
venue one-thirty-fifth, with Customs one-forty-eighth 
those of England ; with a currency of about half a 
million, whose standard pound, shilling and penny stood 
to the English pound, shilling and penny as twelve 
stands to one ; ■ with an agriculture entirely mediaeval 
and communal. Meat was half the price of wheat- 
bread, for the Highlanders did at least produce, sell 
and then steal back some sort of scraggy black cattle ; 
these, like the sheep, were always cooped up in winter. 
There were a few little struggling manufactures of 
linen and woollen goods on the East coast. There was 
no timber trade, for in the Lowlands there were no 
trees ; and there were no ships. Rents, wages and 
prices had been stationary or going back for half a 
century. If the Scottish system of Jurisprudence was 
superior to, it was also profoundly alien from the 
English. The Scottish nobility, famous for its turbu- 
lence and its treachery, had just stepped into possession 
of a Parliamentary system which it intended to work 
for its own benefit. The Scottish Kirk, though not 
legally independent of the State, was in spirit wholly 
bent on dominating the State, and was utterly hostile to 
all progress, all intellect, all free thought ; it lived by 
denouncing the form of Church government established 
in England, and by persecuting those of its countrymen 
1 A ' Pound Scots ' = 1*5 of an English pound sterling. 


who adhered to the English form. Finally, there was a 
numerous, powerful and recently beaten faction, both in 
Church and State, burning for revenge. And a Scotland 
thus ruined and soured by a century of neglect, civil 
war, faction and poverty, had to ask of England a 
Union on terms of equality ! 

You may well say, ' But what had Scotland to 
threaten if her terms were refused ? ' Well, she held 
one strong card. All her past greatness had lain in 
open hostility to England, and in the old French 
Alliance. Could she once find internal union again, 
even the England of Marlborough would never be able 
to conquer her. When in 1701 James II. and VII. 
preceded his son-in-law King William to the grave, 
Louis XIV., at the height of his power, the acknow- 
ledged head of European civilization, ' behaved like a 
gentleman,' ' and recognized the child of misfortune 
as James III. and VIII. Just in proportion as that 
recognition offended the national spirit of Englishmen, 
it appealed to that of Scotsmen. For the English Act 
of Settlement of 1700, providing that after the death 
of Anne ' a wee, wee German lairdie should clap down 
in our gude man's chair,' had been passed without 
consulting Scotland at all. 

England, then girding itself to avenge Louis' insult to 
itself in the biggest war it had waged since the Fifteenth 
Century, would be willing to pay almost any price to 
avert a French- Jacobite landing in Scotland. So 
William's last and Anne's first acts were to recommend 
to the English Parliament an incorporating Union 
with Scotland. 

Commissioners to treat of this were in fact nominated 
1 But see above, p. 107. 


in Anne's first- month. But the Scottish Nation, Whig 
and Tory alike, took fire at once. Anne had very natur- 
ally suggested that, as Presbyterians were tolerated in 
England, ' piskies ' might receive equal treatment in the 
North, and this was quite enough to set the Kirk ' blawin ' 
and ' bleezin.' Could the Jacobites have utilized this 
irregular energy ? Some attempts they indeed made, 
one as late as the autumn of 1706, to unite with the 
Cameronian remnant in the name of King James ; armed 
Highlanders were observed dropping by twos and threes 
into Edinburgh. But they had no leader. Their figure- 
head, the fourth Duke of Hamilton, was a liar and coward 
who betrayed every cause. Lockhart of Carnwath, the 
only honest Jacobite who served on the final Commission 
of Union, was not of sufficient weight in the State. The 
ablest living Scot, Mr. Andrew Fletcher of Saltoun, 
with his deep learning, his Odyssean experience of men 
and cities, and his lofty patriotism, was an aristocratic 
Republican of the old Roman type. On the other side 
stood the ' first Tory who turned Whig ' at the Revolution, 
the Duke of Queensberry, pliant and able, unscrupulous 
and courteous ; he was the real engineer of the Union ; 
then there was the Chancellor Seafield, a turncoat too 
and a cynic, but a man of real ability and utter fearless- 
ness; best of all, there was young John of Lome, who 
became in 1703 second Duke of Argyll, Jeanie Deans' 
Duke, a brave soldier, a convinced and honourable 
Whig and yet a true patriot. Carstairs could be trusted, 
if not to muzzle the Kirk at least to prevent it from 
biting too hard. 

Yet when the last Scottish Parliament met in May, 
1703, it seemed as if the forces of disruption would win, 
and the next four years were full of stormy contradictions 

254 THE UNION, 1707 

in Church and State, during which the Edinburgh mob 
broke the windows of Unionists and threw stones at 
Ministers with a good deal of spontaneous patriotism. 
Acts were introduced called ' Acts of Security ' : our 
Successor on the death of Queen Anne shall not be 
the same as the English Successor, unless we get full 
security for our Parliament, Religion, Trade, Colonies (!) 
and Sovereignty. ' Limitations ' of the prerogative of 
the said Successor were also introduced by Mr. Fletcher. 
England put on the screw by Bills excluding all Scottish 
products and making all Scots ' aliens ' in England. 
The final set of Commissioners to draw up a Treaty 
of Union, thirty-one on each side, was nominated in 
1705, Scotland consenting by a bare majority of two 
votes. Marlborough's victorious career quickened the 
steps of these gentlemen, and in April,' 1706, they 
had come to an agreement on the main principles, 
viz. free trade and a single Parliament. The details 
took time, but in the details it is England on the 
whole that gives and Scotland that receives. In the 
adjustment of taxation Scotland is to be exempted 
from many English taxes, because she ought to bear 
no share in paying the interest of the English National 
Debt. Our bankrupt East India Company is bought 
out, and a sum of money paid in compensation to 
holders of Darien stock. Our share in the United Par- 
liament is to be greater than our wealth, though less 
than our population would warrant, to wit forty-five 
Commoners and sixteen Peers — the latter elected for 
each Parliament by all the Peers of Scotland. Our Laws 
and our Law-courts we are to retain, without appeal 
to English Law-courts. Our Saltire, commonly called 
St. Andrew's Cross, is to be quartered on the flag of 


* Great Britain,' and to be borne after Anne's death by 
the Princess Sophia and her heirs being Protestants. 

The terrible question of Religion was not mentioned in 
the draft of the Treaty presented in October, 1706, to 
the Scottish Parliament, which promptly insisted that 
complete security for the supremacy of the Kirk should 
be inserted not only in the Treaty but in the coronation 
oath also. Storm after storm rang through the walls 
of the old Parliament House, to the accompaniment of 
crashing windows and yelling mobs up and down the 
High Street and the Canongate ; but Queensberry's 
tact and majority were equal to it all, and, when the 
Treaty of Union had been touched with the sceptre on 
January 16th, 170-7, Lord Seafield locked the door of 
the House as he left it, with the bitter jest, " There's 
an end of an auld sang." 

" Deil rax their thrapples that reft us o' 't," as Andrew 
Fairservice remarks ; and fancy loves to linger over the 
' Riding of the Scots Parliament ' in procession up the 
stately street (cleaned for the occasion) from Holyrood 
House. May not a political philosopher also pause, and 
ask whether something in the nature of a Federal Union 
might not have been tried ? It is the fashion to dismiss 
such schemes as ' whimsies,' partly because ' Home 
Rule ' in the vulgar modern sense is merely the cry of 
self-seeking demagogues, partly no doubt because of the 
astonishing success of the United Parliament up to 1832 
in making Great Britain the foremost Nation in the 
World. But is not the supremacy of a single House of 
Parliament just now the greatest of political dangers ? 
Might not a Federal Council, which would ex natura rerum 
ultimately have included Ireland and the Colonies, 
have been equally successful as Empire-builder ? Might 


not a Federal Constitution have ultimately given us the 
very thing of which we now stand most in need, a 
bulwark against the unchecked supremacy of the 
uneducated classes ? 

That the Union should be unpopular in Edinburgh 
goes without saying ; that Glasgow, then a town of 12,000 
inhabitants, went solid against, it only seems surprising 
because we are apt to forget that it was not till thirty 
years after the measure that Glasgow seriously took 
part in the Colonial trade. There and everywhere else 
in Scotland the first results were the deaths of the infant 
industries, which had been so highly protected by the 
Act of 1681. In fact only the cattle trade benefited 
from the first ; Rob Roy began to combine with his 
natural profession of cattle thief that of a drover. 

Louis XIV., who had been very hard hit at Ramillies 
in May, 1706, had missed his best chance, but the 
Jacobites kept him stirring all the next year, and in 
the spring of 1708 a small French Fleet, with King Jamie 
on board, sailed from Dunkirk : but when it appeared 
off the East coast of Scotland there was Admiral Byng 
waiting for it, and it never even attempted a landing. 
Yet hatred of the Union grew apace. In the last half 
of Anne's reign many of the prophecies of Scottish 
patriots were fulfilled. The barbarous English law of 
treason was extended to Scotland, and ' traitors ' might 
now be (and were) removed for trial into England. 
Legal toleration was established for such of the ' piskies ' 
(they were very few) as would abjure King James and 
pray for Queen Anne ; the patronage of Scottish livings, 
abolished 1649, restored 1661, abolished 1690, was now 
again restored to the lay proprietors : which of the two 
latter measures inflamed the wrath of the Kirk the more, 


it would be hard to say. An attempt of 1713 to extend, 
in the teeth of the words of the Union-Treaty, the malt- 
tax to Scotland x almost produced a civil war ; it did 
produce a motion in the House of Lords for the repeal 
of the Union, moved by Argyll himself, and supported 
by all Scottish Peers and many English Whig Peers, 
who wanted to tease a Tory Government. This motion 
was lost by only four votes. 

' Repeal of the Union ' was the most popular cry 
in Scotland for nearly a generation after its passing. 
But if the only hope of this lies in accepting a Papist 
King ? Then, Heaven help us, our hearts will indeed 
be torn in half ! 

King Jamie was by this time twenty-five years of 
age, and the very worst possible head to conceive or 
to carry out a ' state-stroke.' His virtues, which were 
many, told more fatally against him than his vices, 
which vanish under the historical microscope. He has 
had hard measure in history and in fiction — nowhere 
harder or more unjust than in ' Esmond.' He was 
brave in battle, as he proved abundantly, on the 
French side, in Marlborough's wars ; he was the soul 
of honour both in private life and in public, utterly 
refusing to barter his faith for three kingdoms, refusing 
even to hold out any diplomatic hope that he would 
do so — an attitude which exasperated even his most 
faithful friends. Yet he was quite free from intoler- 
ance ; he promised full toleration for the several 
versions of the Christian religion to which his subjects 
professed to be attached ; he kept Protestants in high 
favour at his exiled Court, and, when the Pope re- 

1 This was actually done in 1725, and the disastrous result was 
the substitution of whisky for ale as the national drink. 
VOL. Ill 17 


monstrated with him for doing so, told that gentleman 
that he was a King and not an Apostle ; he even gave 
his son a Protestant tutor. In an age of immoral kings 
his life was pure. But against all this you must set the 
fact that he entirely lacked both enterprise and resolu- 
tion, that the slightest mishap discouraged him ; he 
was the ' child of misfortune,' and misfortune had 
entered into his soul. Though fairly well educated, he 
was not clever, and, while his kindness of heart led him 
to go on trusting men whom he should have known 
for traitors, his knowledge that there was treachery 
about him sometimes made him untrustful of those to 
whom he should have given his confidence. 

But when Anne died, a year before old Louis, an 
insurrection on behalf of James was certain, in Scotland 
if not in England. On paper the ' 'Fifteen,' as this in- 
surrection is always called, had better chances than its 
descendant thirty years later. It had, however, many 
subsidiary faults and one radical one ; it ought to have 
been the ' 'Fourteen.' Anne's last Minister, Bolingbroke, 
had actually been preparing in the last week of the 
Queen's life for a peaceable succession of James, and 
James ought to have been in Scotland before George (who 
didn't hurry) had time to lumber across into England. 
But the movement was deferred for a whole year. Even 
then the chances were not bad. The Regent of France 
was not unfavourable ; the warlike King of Sweden, 
Charles XII., had his own reasons for being cross with 
King George, and so had the King of Spain ; one of the 
greatest living soldiers, the Duke of Berwick, Marshal 
of France, was James' half-brother ; one of the most 
astute politicians, Bolingbroke, had just fled from 
England and had become his Secretary. Ormond, who 

THE RISING OF 1715 259 

succeeded Marlborough as Commander-in-Chief in Eng- 
land, 1712, was an avowed Jacobite and had begun to 
promote officers of his own opinions ; true, Marlborough 
had again on Anne's death replaced Ormond, but he 
was personally a waverer and had no influence, even of 
a military kind, in the councils of King George. There 
were not 15,000 troops with the colours in Britain, and 
of these not 2,000 in Scotland, it being the singular 
habit of John Bull at the close of all his great wars to 
disband his best soldiers as if they would never be needed 
again ; it was now to become his still more singular 
habit to buy Dutch or German troops to defend his 
Island for him. 

The councils of the Jacobites were, however, fatally 
divided : James distrusted Berwick ; Bolingbroke got 
drunk and blabbed secrets ; Ormond, finding himself 
suspected, fled too soon to France. If on the military 
side the Hanoverian Government was incapable, on the 
civil side it was preternaturally acute : the Whig Earl 
of Stair had his spies all over Europe ; the Whig soldier 
Stanhope was one of the best Secretaries of State 
England ever had, and the Whig Duke of Argyll, honoured 
and loved in Scotland as few Whigs were and fewer 
deserved to be, was himself worth an Army. Swift 
seizure was made of the notorious English Jacobites, 
who certainly let themselves be seized very tamely : 

The King to Oxford sent his troop of horse, 

where (as is well known) ' Tories own no argument but 
force.' A price of £100,000 was set on the head of 
the ' Pretender ' (not a measure commonly employed in 
civilized countries), and Stair with great sang-froid set 


paid murderers upon James' track both before and 
after the outbreak. 

It was John Erskine, Earl of Mar, a man who had 
been and was to be again of doubtful fidelity, who on 
September 6th, without waiting for express orders, set 
up the standard of King James at Braemar, where he 
soon found himself at the head of eight thousand High- 
landers gleg for a fight. He had with him fifteen of the 
leading Peers and Chiefs of great Clans in Scotland, and 
practically all the fighting force of Camerons, Mac- 
donalds and Stewarts. The Frasers, the largest of the 
fighting Clans, were led the other way by the astute 
Simon, Lord Lovat, who aspired to keep the balance in 
the North, and who now seized Inverness and declared 
for King George. Why did not King Jamie come ? It 
was a fatal mistake to wait for supplies from France, 
Sweden or Spain ; these countries would only be likely 
to declare themselves for him after a success, not before 
one. Meanwhile Argyll hurried to Stirling, took com- 
mand of the few Government troops he could find, and 
garrisoned with them the line of the Forth from Stirling 
to Edinburgh. Mar ought instantly to have forced this 
line at the ford just above Stirling ; instead of which 
he concentrated at Perth and occupied the East coast 
from Aberdeen to Fife, feebly squealing for his King 
and for gunpowder — as if Highlanders needed powder — 
without taking any steps to make the latter commodity. 
Mr. Forster and Lord Derwentwater rose for the Cause 
in Northumberland and joined hands with Lord Kenmure 
who did the same in Galloway. Mar detached some 
2,000 men under Mackintosh to join them ; between 
them the Jacobite Armies outnumbered Argyll by four to 
one, and ought instantly to have converged and crushed 


him. Instead of this, Forster marched Southwards 
into Lancashire, dawdled his time away at Preston, and 
then capitulated to an inferior force under General 
Carpenter on November 12th. On the same day Mar, 
who had at last advanced, met Argyll at Sheriff muir 
on Allan Water, where 

Some say that we wan and some say that they wan, 
And some say that nane wan at a', man. 

Each right wing, in fact, chased the opposing left from 
the field, and Mar's right (his Highlanders) performed 
their task in four minutes. But then Mar fell tamely 
back on Perth, and so left the real victory with Argyll. 
The Duke, now largely reinforced (Dutch mostly), began 
to push his opponent into the sea ; he was censured in 
London for doing it too slowly, the truth being that, 
great and humane man as he was, he wished to give 
time for the rising to fizzle out, and to give the gentlemen 
engaged a chance to escape to the Continent. Hopes 
of this were, however, much spoiled when James, too 
late for all but honour, landed at Peterhead on De- 
cember 22nd. The King's melancholy resignation only 
added trouble to the hearts of his adherents, already 
turned to water by the incapacity of their leader ; 
James " cared not," says an eye-witness, " to come 
abroad among our soldiers or to see us handle our arms " 
— he who had charged at Oudenarde and Malplaquet in 
Louis' finest Household Cavalry ! In less than six weeks 
he had to embark again at Montrose, being barely a day 
ahead of the Whigs, who were steadily reoccupying the 
coast towns. The remnants of Mar's Army, long ago 
thinned by incessant desertions, were hunted into fast- 
nesses of Highlands and Islands by General Cadogan 


and the Dutch ; most of the Chiefs eventually escaped 
abroad or made their peace. James took Mar with 
him, retired to Avignon, and finally took up his quarters 
at Rome. His last thought on Scottish soil seems to 
have been bitter regret that his troops had been obliged 
to destroy some crops and burn some cottages on their 
retreat, and his last act was to send some of his slender 
stock of money to relieve the sufferers. Some thirty 
English and Scottish prisoners were executed in Lanca- 
shire and in London — for no Scottish jury could have 
been trusted to convict them. Like the Tory courtiers 
in James II. 's reign, Whig courtiers had ' grants ' made 
to them of prisoners, so that they might get ransoms 
from them, and those prisoners who could not pay 
were transported. Of the six Peers impeached in 
London, Derwentwater and Kenmure alone were be- 
headed, Nithsdale escaping in his wife's dress the day 
before that fixed for his execution. Bribery was rife 
in London, especially bribery to Hanoverian ' ladies.' 
Lord Nairn, after eighteen months' imprisonment, 
emerged a ruined man, and noted in his diary, " Paid 

to lawyers and b s £1,500." The most startling 

result of the rising was a fierce Act against the 
Episcopalians in Scotland, for they had been almost 
to a man for King James. 

The Cause was, however, by no means dead. Though 
France was for the next fifteen years practically an 
ally of England, the Scottish Jacobites were soon 

Here's to the King o' Swede, 
Fresh laurels crown his head, 
Shame fa' ev'ry sneaking blade 
That winna do 't again. 


The death of Charles XII. at the end of 1718 having 
shattered hopes from Sweden, they turned to Spain : 
James actually visited Madrid, and in 1719 a few 
Spanish troops were landed on the Inverness-shire coast, 
together with George Keith, Earl Marischal, the Marquis 
of Tullibardine, Lord Seaforth and Lord George Murray ; 
they rallied a few clansmen and fought a battle, of about 
one thousand a side, in Glenshiel, and were defeated 
by General Wightman. More attainders naturally fol- 
lowed ; it had served to keep the flame alight in the 
Highlands, and that was all. 

But Walpole's criminal indifference to the honour 
and fortune of England allowed the Navy and Army to 
rot and dwindle for twenty years ; he did, indeed, send 
Marshal Wade into the Highlands to make a couple of 
hundred miles of road and to build forts which he 
omitted to garrison. Wade, a slow but shrewd man, 
reported a circumstance which ought to have disquieted 
King George, namely that the rents of the exiles of 
the 'Fifteen and the 'Nineteen were being regularly 
collected and sent to their rightful owners abroad. 
Every one, in fact, knew perfectly well that the next 
time England was drawn into a European spuilzie 
of any sort, the Jacobites would rise for the White 

Meanwhile the White Rose had married in 1719 a 
Polish lady, whose nerves and groundless jealousies 
embittered all his middle life : Prince Charles was born 
in 1720 and Prince Henry 1725. The former grew up 
a tall, athletic, very naughty boy, badly educated and 
indifferent to religion, but quite a clean liver. Jacobites 
who were presented to him at Rome began to see that 
here was a young man made to their hands : and 


certainly, from his early boyhood, the Prince had the 
Cause in his head to the exclusion of everything else ; 
he went into training until he should be called upon to 
lead it. When he was sixteen the Porteous Riot — really 
an outbreak against the English Excise Laws — shook 
Scotland from end to end, and the ' sorrowfu Union ' 
was, perhaps for the last time, publicly referred to as 
the spring of all our woes. In the next year John Murray 
of Broughton visited Rome, and became a close intimate 
of the Prince : from 1741 he was organizing a regular 
Association of Jacobites in each district of Scotland. 
Negotiations were also begun with the well-affected 
in England, who however avoided committing themselves 
on paper. From the opening of '43 Louis XV. was 
warmly favourable ; he was going to war with England 
in Flanders and Germany, but, before he committed 
himself to a landing, he naturally waited to see on what 
help he could rely in the Island of Great Britain. In 
the spring of '44 he thought the prospects favourable 
enough to embark 10,000 troops at Dunkirk, with 
Marshal Saxe, the best soldier in Europe, at their 
head. They waited for escort from the Brest Fleet, 
which sailed up Channel to Dungeness ; there it met 
Admiral Norris with twenty-five sail of the line, and 
before a shot could be exchanged, a storm drove the 
French again to the Westward. The transports at 
Dunkirk were therefore useless, and Louis abandoned 
his plan of invasion. 

On board that Dunkirk Fleet was Prince Charles. He 
had slipped away North without telling his father, and 
had travelled through France. James, though much 
perturbed at this ' start/ had sent a Commission of 
Regency after him. Louis had received him well, and 


had promised his assistance. Murray, who must have 
known better, kept feeding him with hopes of risings, 
and travelled to and fro between Scotland and France. 
For a year and a half after the bitter disappointment of 
the Dunkirk Fleet Charles stayed in Paris or in Northern 
France in hopes of some fresh turn of the wheel. At 
last he declared that he would go alone and throw 
himself on the loyalty of Scotland. Two adventurous 
Irishmen, Sheridan and Kelly, joined him : Tullibardine, 
deprived of his succession to the Atholl Dukedom for 
his share in the 'Nineteen, also came to him ; and in 
June, '45, we find him negotiating, on borrowed money, 
with a Mr. Walsh of Nantes for two ships and some 
broadswords, powder and muskets. The battle of 
Fontenoy had just been fought. 

On July 23rd the piper of the Laird of Barra was 
walking along the rocks of Isle Eriska, at the tail of the 
Long Island, when he was hailed by an old acquaintance 
in a boat which had just put off from a small French 
ship. Such appearances were not rare, and probably 
suggested to Donald's mind a keg or two of smuggled 
brandy. He came aboard and piloted the vessel into the 
little harbour of Eriska. Among those who landed was 
a tall youth in a plain black coat, a plain shirt, not very 
clean, and a fair round wig ; obviously a young clergy- 
man who had heard much of the Highlanders and 
wished to converse with them. His speech had an 
Irish accent, but he quickly picked up a few words 
of the Gaelic, especially the words used in drinking 
of healths. On the next day the great man of Uist — 
a Macdonald, of course — came to see and converse 
with the young cleric, and advised him to go home, to 
which the cleric replied, "I am come home, Sir, and 

266 THE RISING OF 1745 

I am persuaded that my faithful Highlanders will stand 
by me." 

Now the Chiefs whom Murray had ' organized ' during 
the last four years had all rightly stipulated for sub- 
stantial French aid as the one condition of a rising, and 
they were therefore very much astonished when they 
found that Charles, who crossed to the mainland near 
Arisaig on the 25th, had only brought seven gentlemen 
with him. All were in fact shocked at the rashness of 
the enterprise, but the adhesion of the noble Cameron of 
Lochiel decided the rest. We don't hear of any ' fiery 
cross dipped in the blood of a newly slain goat ' being 
sent round to summon the Clans, but the news travelled 
with lightning rapidity and we can imagine the joy 
with which it was received in many a Highland home, 
how the pipers would strike up ' Cock o' the North,' 
and how 

Some gat them swords and some gat nane, 
And some were dancing mad their lane, 
And mony a vow o' weir was ta'en 
That night at Amulree. 

The bulk of the fighting Clans, Macdonalds, Camerons 
and Stewarts of Appin came in at once ; these formed 
the best part of Charles' Army, and were with him 
throughout the campaign. The rendezvous was fixed 
for August 19th at Glenfinnan, and a good omen was 
acknowledged when some Macdonalds cut off two com- 
panies of Whig foot on their way to Fort Augustus, 
and brought them in triumph to see the Royal 
Standard raised. 

The Government had information of the start from 
France, and put out the usual proclamation of a reward 
for the ' Pretender's ' head (one-third the value of his 


father's — a mere trifle of £30,000), and King George in 
his speech to Parliament talked of it as an ' unnatural ' 
rebellion. As a matter of fact it was the most natural 
consequence of the Government's own neglect of its 
forces, as well as of its contemptuous treatment of Scot- 
land. There were not 12,000 troops in Britain, of which 
Sir John Cope had 4,000 in Scotland, all, except one 
regiment, untried in war. After a short delay to collect 
provisions Cope started North from Stirling with 1,500 
foot, intending for Fort Augustus. But Charles had 
the ' wind at his back/ his men marched two miles for 
one of Cope's, and they beset the Pass of Corryarrick, 
the critical place on the Great North Road. Cope 
avoided the shock and turned aside to secure Inverness 
and Aberdeen, whence he might, if necessary, ship his 
troops round for the defence of Edinburgh. 

It soon became obvious that this would be necessary. 
Charles pushed on by Perth, picking up Atholl men, 
Macphersons, Robertsons, with the Duke of Perth and 
his brother Lord John, and Tullibardine's brother Lord 
George Murray. Lord George was at once made Lieu- 
tenant-General, and, being a man of real ability, who had 
fought in the 'Fifteen and the 'Nineteen, he became 
practically Commander-in-Chief. But he had been 
pardoned after the latter fight, and till the very latest 
moment he had been in council with Cope. This made 
the Prince entertain a distrust of him which too often 
became visible. Lord George, however, having decided 
to join, was absolutely loyal ; he thoroughly understood 
Highlanders, and was one of the best claymores in his 
own Army. 

Right on they went by Dunblane to the ford of Frew, 
waded the Forth and shook their plaids at Stirling 


Castle, which fired a few random shots at them. The 
two regiments of Dragoons, which Cope had left to guard 
the Forth, fell back before them in ever increasing panic. 
By September 17th Charles was outside Edinburgh, 
which was unfortified except for an old wall ; he sent a 
summons to the town, and, while the bit Baillie bodies 
were trying to raise Whig Volunteers and sending pro- 
crastinating deputations till Cope should arrive, Lochiel 
with five hundred Camerons quietly walked in at the 
Netherbow, marched up the High Street, and grounded 
arms at the Cross. ' Johnnie Cope ' had just landed 
at Dunbar and been joined by the flying Dragoons, 
September 18th. 

He marched Westwards along the coast road with 
2,300 men and six guns, and the Highland Army, perhaps 
two hundred men stronger, flew to meet him. Murray 
utterly outgeneralled Cope at Prestonpans, some twelve 
miles East of Edinburgh, forcing him to change front 
twice in succession, and finding his own way through 
a very nasty marsh quite un perceived at 4 a.m. on 21st. 
As the sun rose through the mist the Highlanders gave 
one volley and fell on with the claymore. Cope's six 
guns were fired once and killed one man ; then the 
Gunners fled, then the Dragoons ; the Infantry had 
little time left them to fly. As for the Volunteers, 
' they were na worth a louse, man,' says Mr. Alick 
Skirving, who saw the field covered with loose heads 
and hands (the sword wounds inflicted by the clay- 
more made an unusual and unpleasing impression on 
troops accustomed to be killed by decent bullets). It 
was all over in ten minutes, with 400 killed and 1,000 
prisoners, and Cope led the shameful race to Berwick. 
Charles was for following him up at once, for, though 


troops from Flanders were hurried over as quickly as 
possible, only old Marshal Wade, with some 4,000 at 
Newcastle, lay between him and London. But he was 
overruled and fell back on Edinburgh, where his little 
Army rapidly grew to 6,000 men. 

Then followed that mad six weeks of glory and appre- 
hension, during which Edinburgh knew itself for a 
Capital again, and the ladies, Jacobites to the soles of 
their dainty feet, danced minuets in Holyrood House, 
while the portraits of a hundred and fifty kings 
(painted for King James VII. by a Dutchman at 
£1 13s. 4^. per king) looked down on waving tartans 
and white cockades. The ' Highland Savages ' were 
the best behaved of troops : no single act of cruelty 
is proved against them, either then or during the 
whole campaign ; and the Prince, as men complained, 
gave all his prisoners too easy parole and attended 
to the enemy's wounded before his own. A sort of 
French Ambassador, M. d'Eguilles, came to the Court, 
and the Lowland Jacobite Peers and lairds — alas*! but 
a handful now — came too. There was old Balmerino, 
whose ancestors had accompanied James VI. to Eng- 
land ; there were Nairn and Nithsdale, whose fathers 
had escaped as by miracle after the 'Fifteen ; Kenmure, 
whose father had not escaped ; Pitsligo, Ogilvy, Kil- 
marnock ; the brave but cantankerous Elcho, son of 
the Earl of Wemyss ; Lord Lewis Gordon of the house 
of Huntley ; Tullibardine, one of the ' Seven men of 
Moidart ' and rightful Duke of Atholl ; good James 
Drummond, rightful Duke of Perth ; Oliphant of Gask, 
the most dashing cavalier, and Ker of Graden, the 
heartiest fellow and best scout in the Army. Before 
the end of October a few Frasers had come in ; but 


the head of that Clan, the old rogue Lovat, who might 
have cut off Cope from Inverness last August, was still 
sitting on the fence — 

Suspensus, ut felis futurum 
Despiciat simuletque sal turn. 

But oh ! what quarrels in the little Council ! the rivalry 
of the most loyal Chieftains inter se often thwarted the 
best-laid schemes. Charles, they said, trusted only his 
French and Irish friends ; he certainly mistrusted 
Murray, who was rough in tongue, and yet he constantly 
let Murray overrule him. He was, in fact, under no 
illusions, and he soon began to see that a political cause 
was utterly wanting to him ; he could enlist all hearts 
but few reasons, and therefore few Lowland recruits. 
He might put out proclamations denouncing the National 
Debt and promising repeal of the Union, but it was 
about ten years too late for that, for the Union was at 
last beginning to bear solid commercial fruit. In the 
absence, then, of a political cause, he must trust to the 
sword alone, and that sword the Highland claymore ; 
and this is why he was so right in desiring always to go 
forward to London at the highest possible speed. The 
proof of his helplessness was seen in his weak blockade 
of Edinburgh Castle (September 29th to October 5th), 
the Governor of which said, in fact, that if Auld Reekie 
didn't send up daily supplies to his beleaguered garrison, 
he would lay Auld Reekie in ashes (which he could 
have done in twenty-four hours), and Charles had to 
allow the supplies to be sent ! 

And France was more intent on following up her 
conquests in Belgium than on risking her troops in 
Britain. Saxe made far too little effort to prevent 


' Billy ' Cumberland from shipping a great part of the 
Anglo-Dutch Army across the North Sea. Cumberland 
landed on the 19th ; whoever else might be in a 
panic he wasn't, nor on the other hand did he make 
light of the affair. He made extensive and suitable 
preparations, which very nearly broke down from the 
apathy of the English people, who would neither rise 
for King James nor defend King George, 1 and from 
the utter absence, then as always, of proper defences 
against invasion. Wade, however, was strongly rein- 
forced ; Cumberland himself would march to meet the 
Prince, and attempts were made to raise a fresh Army 
to defend London. 

For Charles had now overruled his Council into in- 
vading England, and on October 31st he started. His 
own view, almost certainly right, was to go by the East 
road and overwhelm Wade before his reinforcements 
reached him ; but Lord George carried the day for the 
familiar Western route (of 1648 and 1651). He made, 
however, a feint at Wade which sufficed to keep him 
immobile, while the Highland Army, six thousand strong, 
roed swiftly by Moffat, Carlisle, Preston, Wigan, Man- 
chester, always expecting English Jacobites to rise. 
At Manchester alone were recruited some two hundred 
men under Francis Towneley. Men and women came 
out and stared at the ' plaid-men ' (from whom they 
caught the itch, for cleanliness was not among the 
Highland virtues), but few cried 'God bless them!' 
When they reached Macclesfield they learned that 

1 Some Whig nobles, e.g. the gallant Marquis of Granby, made 
efforts, not without success, to raise regiments. The City started 
a fund to provide the troops with blankets and gloves, and the 
Quakers offered them flannel waistcoats. 


Cumberland, with 8,000 men, was in front at Lichfield, 
and Wade lumbering down to Doncaster on their flank. 
They did not know that it had become almost impossible 
to raise recruits for these Armies, though King George 
was offering £6 per man to any one who would join his 
Guards. Even then Murray outgeneralled the Duke by 
a feint to the West, and got between him and London ; 
the Duke made frantic efforts to regain the road, but 
only succeeded in foundering his horse. When he 
reached Derby, but six or seven marches (126 miles) 
lay between Charles and his goal ; there was a panic 
in London and a run on the Bank. 

Then, December 6th, the victors suddenly threw up 
the sponge, and, after fighting almost alone against his 
Council a long winter's day, Charles consented to a 
retreat. All strategic considerations, said Murray, all 
common prudence pointed in that direction ; it was but 
reculer pour mieux sauter. But this Army had not 
succeeded but by throwing prudence and strategic 
considerations to the winds. And now they were in 
excellent heart, well fed and even paid (the common 
story that the Highlanders had deserted in crowds 
during the march is now disproved) ; 1 they were five 
thousand strong to a mere trifle of thirty thousand, most 
of whom were already behind them. Besides, actual 
numbers of enemies mattered little ; they were practically 
certain to wipe before them anything except really well- 
served Artillery, and of that the English had as yet little 
ready ; London was (and still is) unfortified, and King 
George at Kensington was packing his portmanteau. 

1 Say they dropped on the way, at the outside, from speed, 
desertion or sickness, a sixth of their number ; that was a very 
unusually small proportion in the Eighteenth Century. 


" But," said Lord George, " once back in Scotland 
we shall double our numbers ; France is really preparing 
to send aid " : " Where," said Lord George, " are your 
English Jacobites ? Who cries ' God save King James ! ' ? " 
"Or who cries 'King George'?" the Prince might 
have asked in return. " Rather than go back," he said, 
" I would be twenty feet underground." But go back 
they did. 

Up till now there had been the makings of greatness 
in this young Prince ; from that hour they vanished. 
He who was wont to be the first astir in the morning, 
sleeping little, faring of the hardest, and ever on foot 
in the van, now became a laggard and indifferent, silent, 
suspicious and grumpy. Flashes of the old fire came 
out often enough, at Stirling, at Falkirk, on the morning 
of Ciilloden, and in his long wanderings after that battle ; 
but gradually the night fell, and the hero of romance 
became in middle life an intriguer and a drunkard, in 
old age a dotard and a wife-beater. 

That, however, was as yet far away. Eleven days 
after Derby his rear-guard killed at Clifton near Penrith 
a hundred of Cumberland's pursuing horse ; his men 
cheerily waded Esk bank-high in winter flood ; a garrison, 
doomed to axe and rope, was left at Carlisle as a proof 
that a return was intended. Neither Wade nor Hawley, 
who succeeded to Wade's command, made any attempt 
to bar the retreat, nor did Handyside, who now held 
Edinburgh for King George, try to hinder Charles' 
occupation of Whiggish Glasgow. And the reinforce- 
ments did come till the Army reached the number of 
nine thousand men ; the whole Clan Fraser came in, 
as old Lovat had at last got down off the fence on 
the right side, and with them a lot of Drummonds 

vol. in 18 


and Gordons. Even some Irish-French came, with an 
absurd person who called himself an engineer, and 
who tempted Charles to besiege Stirling Castle. When 
Hawley advanced to the relief of that Castle, Lord 
George swept his Dragoons with great loss from the 
field of Falkirk, as he had swept them from Preston- 
pans, and took many prisoners. But on February ist 
a decision only less fatal than that at Derby was taken, 
again utterly against the Prince's will, to retreat to the 
Highlands ; apart from the moral effect of such a retreat, 
it was a mere courting of starvation. 

Cumberland, who had been in the South for a few 
weeks, came North again at the end of February and 
restored discipline in Hawley's terrified Army. He 
brought five thousand Hessian mercenaries to hold the 
line of th£ Forth, he occupied the whole East coast 
and was fed from the Fleet as he moved towards 
Aberdeen ; and there he lay all March, training his 
Infantry to face the Highland broadsword. Lord 
Loudoun was busy raising the Whig Clans for King 
George. Charles chased Loudoun and the Macleods in 
wild panic out of Inverness and seized Fort Augustus, 
but failed at Fort William and at Blair Castle. When 
in April Cumberland with 18 pieces of heavy Artillery 
and 8,000 men, 1 began to move along the shore of the 
Moray Firth towards Nairn, the Highlanders, already 
starving, were scattered in a wide circle round Inver- 
ness searching for food, and about one-third of them 
had been despatched to meet a French convoy on the 
Pentland Firth. 

So not more than five thousand men were present for 
the fatal 16th at Culloden. The ground on which they 

1 Including some 500 of the Whig Clans, mostly Campbells. 


fought, the day on which to fight, were not of Lord 
George's choosing, and the battle was one of starvation 
versus a full belly. The Macdonalds were posted out 
of their accustomed place, and got sulky; the Artillery 
tore long lines in the other Clans before they could 
charge ; yet even so they charged through the guns, 
sabred the gunners, broke through the Duke's first line, 
and their leaders reached his second before they were 
shot down. Cumberland gave little quarter, either now 
or in his subsequent ' pacification ' of the Highlands ; he 
shot or burned all the wounded, all who were found with 
arms. He was about the same age as Prince Charles, 
and his brutalities are, thank God, without parallel in 
the history of the British Army. One cherishes a hope 
that the worst of these cruelties were committed not 
by honest English ploughboys, but by the countrymen of 
King George, Hessians purchased from their ' natural ' 
Prince at five pounds per year per Hessian. 1 

Did Charles leave the field too soon ? Who knows ? 
Certainly he gave the fatal order, after the battle, ' Let 
every man seek his safety as best he can.' A fatal order 
indeed, for, though we had lost 1,000 out of 5,000 we 
had hit the Hanoverians pretty hard in return. 2 
Culloden was no Naseby, and the spirit of the fighting 
Clans had not been broken by the loss of one battle ; 
on the 18th nearly 4,000 rallied at Ruthven under 
Lord George, Tullibardine, Perth, Ogilvy and the sore 
wounded Lochiel. But the Prince had fled; none as 
yet heard whither. 

1 Probably also by the Highlanders of the Whig Clans, 
Campbells and Macleods, who had the old scores of Montrose's 
days to pay off. 

2 The 4th and the 37th Regiments suffered the worst. 


Every one knows how he wandered and lurked in 
caves and bothies to and fro between the Islands and the 
Western mainland for five wonderful months. Every one 
has heard of Flora Macdonald of Milton, and the tall 
spinning-woman called ' Betty Burke from Ireland ' 
whom Miss Flora brought with her to Kingsburgh's 
house in Skye on June 29th : ' a very odd, muckle, ill- 
shaken-up wife ' Betty seemed to be. Betty-Charles 
in fact bore, during those five months, a good deal more 
than his father's uncle had borne during his flight from 
Worcester, and honestly confessed that he had learned 
during his skulking to take a hearty dram when he 
could get it ; unfortunately drams were easier to come 
at in the Highlands than bannocks or beef, and the 
habit remained with the Prince in climates where he 
needed it less. Thirty thousand pounds (sterling, not 
Scots) was the price upon his head ; this was well 
known to a population of 200,000 persons, habitually 
living on the verge of starvation. One-thousandth 
part of that price would have been wealth untold 
to ninety-nine in every hundred of that population. 
His secret and his whereabouts must have become 
known to, and his hairbreadth escapes must have 
been aided by well over a hundred of these poor 
people ; they must have been suspected by many 
hundreds more. Every pass was beset, every cave 
smoked out, every corrie and hilltop scoured by red- 
coats burning for the reward ; flogging and torture were 
freely applied to every one who was supposed to have 
an inkling of the secret. But the loyalty of Scotland 
was proof against all trials ; Donald remained as dumb 
as Ailsa Craig. The Prince was hiding in a hole on the 
side of Ben Alder when he learned, on September 13th, 


that a St. Malo privateer was in Loch-na-nuagh ; a 
week later he was aboard of her, and on the 29th he 
landed at Roscoff in Brittany. Forty-two years of exile 
and degradation lay yet before him. The present writer 
was carried in his infancy to see an old lady, then hard 
upon a hundred years, who had kissed his hand in 
Florence or in Rome. The story of the 'Forty-five 
has been the theme alike of the loftiest romance and the 
most pitiful drivel ; but, when the plain facts are put 
down, it is hard to say that the reality does not vie in 
interest with any romance that could be written. 

And so it was all over, and the heading and hanging 
began — mostly at Carlisle and London, with all the 
ghastly accompaniments of the English punishment for 
treason ; and the name of Murray of Broughton, once 
Prince Charles' right hand, became for ever infamous as 
that of a perjured traitor who turned King's evidence. 
This time the Government would make a full end ; 
Balmerino, Kilmarnock, old Lovat (who really only got 
his deserts) and Francis Towneley were the most dis- 
tinguished sufferers ; there were about eighty victims 
in all. Few pardons were granted, and few forfeited 
estates ever restored. Highland dress was proscribed 
and the heritable jurisdictions were abolished. This 
was a really good job; these ' Courts of Regality,' over 
a hundred in number, had put the poor tenants too 
often at the mercy of their Chiefs ; we all know the 
story of the woman who said to her husband, " Come 
awa' and be hangit doucely, and dinna anger the 
Laird." And the Highlands were depopulated. 

And ' it was far better ' ? Oh yes ! it was ' far 
better ' (because it came to pass) that Britain should be 
governed by a German boor than that we should ' suffer 


Popery and arbitrary power and wear wooden shoes ' ; 
we should, of course, have suffered and worn these things 
if King Jamie, the most gentle, tolerant, honourable 
soul who ever threw away a crown, had been restored. 
It never seems to occur to any one who argues thus 
that it is an insult to the British aristocracy and to 
the all-powerful British Parliament to suggest that, in 
full Eighteenth Century, it could not have kept in order 
any King who ever strutted. King George was an 
infinitely more ' arbitrary ' man than King James ; he 
damned and cursed his Ministers to their faces ; he 
stole his father's will in order to cheat his sister of a 
legacy, and he treated his son with infamous cruelty. 
He would have entirely subordinated English to German 
interests ; but Parliament kept him and every other 
King in order as soon as it put its foot down. 

With the close of the ' Rebellion ' Scottish history 
is finally merged in British. The Episcopal Church 
was, by Acts of 1746, 1748, practically proscribed ; 
though few of its ministers had taken overt part for 
the Prince, all had been at heart on his side ; the only 
two who followed his Army were executed. Some Non- 
Jurors kept a feeble flame alive till the death of Prince 
Henry, who died a Roman Cardinal, in 1807 ; all had 
been steadily coming to use the English Liturgy, or a 
Prayer Book closely resembling it, since the death of 
Anne. Yet the Kirk, whose triumph seemed more com- 
plete than ever, reaped little fruit from it. Secessions 
had begun, largely in protest against patronage, as early 
as 1737 ; they were multiplying rapidly, and all were 
in the conservative direction, all were made because 
the Kirk was becoming too moderate, too reasonable ; 
because ministers were ceasing to hold forth for a 


hundred successive sabbaths 1 on the same text, as 
the old practice had been ; because the tyranny of 
the Elders in Kirk Session was being relaxed. While 
the Seceders stood for the pure old Kirk of dogmatic 
Calvinism and the Covenant, the change in the spirit 
of those who remained went on apace, and the last 
half of the Eighteenth Century was intellectually and 
socially the golden age of Presbyterian Scotland, in 
which she produced her really great men — Principal 
Robertson, Blair, Alexander Carlyle, Beattie, Reid, 
Dr. John Erskine, men to whom dogma meant little 
and lofty morality much. It would no longer happen 
to any printer, who printed a work of any of these 
men, to come across ' God's Wrath ' so frequently 
as to exhaust his fount of the letter ' W ' and be 
at last obliged to print ' God's Wrath.' The last 
capital sentence for witchcraft was executed in 1727, 
and the Acts against that ' crime ' were repealed in the 
year of the Porteous Riot. Education, it is true, was 
still backward, and the Act of 1696 was a dead letter 
in many remote districts ; the salaries of parish school- 
masters were infinitesimal. But the passion of all 
classes for education was strong and growing. Most 
burghs had grammar schools, where excellent Latin 
was taught ; the Universities, which taught no Latin 
except by lecturing in it, monopolized Greek. Social 
life was, and long remained, curiously simple ; the 
friendship between rich and poor dwelling on the land, 
or in flats in the same house in cities, was maintained 
until the Industrial Revolution at the close of the century. 
Crime was remarkable by its absence ; there were no 

1 Five years of Sabbaths on the same text is believed to be 
1 the record.' 


highwaymen — indeed they would have earned a poor 
living. Years passed without an execution in Edin- 
burgh ; there was seldom a week without one in London. 
By Scots law seventeen crimes were death-worthy, by 
English one hundred and sixty-four. People hardly 
ever locked their doors, even in towns. Poverty and 
beggary were before every one's eyes, but pauperism 
was all but unknown ; the first rate for it was raised 
in Glasgow in 1770, elsewhere not till about 1800 ; in 
England, where wages were double, every fifth man was 
a pauper. The reason of the difference lies in the 
kindly feeling between all classes which was such a 
marked characteristic of old Scottish life. 

From the accession of George III. material prosperity 
increased too rapidly not to foreshadow some change 
in these beautiful conditions. The development of 
agriculture, forestry and commerce went on with giant 
strides. Banks were established in country towns. 
Rich East India merchants and Glasgow- Virginia traders 
bought land and cultivated it scientifically, and Scottish 
farming and gardening began to be held up as an example 
in England. Linen, woollen and thread manufactures 
flourished apace, the famous Carron ironworks, where 
grew the ' carronades ' for Nelson's fleets, were opened 
in 1760, the Forth and Clyde Canal was opened in 1778. 
A few years before this James Watt had patented a 
noisy machine which he called a ' Steam-Engine ' ; it 
was a more successful one than Prince Rupert's. In 
such a society as this Adam Smith, the father of Free 
Trade, wrote his ' Inquiry into the Causes of the Wealth 
of Nations,' and into such a society Robert Burns and 
Walter Scott were born. At the end of the century 
Glasgow counted 90,000 souls ; the population of the 















whole kingdom of Scotland was one and a half millions, 
and the revenue had risen in a hundred years from 
£160,000 to £8,160,000. 

Much, however, was going to pass away ; the frugal, 
stern life, the homely ' Lallan ' tongue (the purest 
Teutonic dialect in the world), would vanish as riches 
and intercourse with other Nations increased. The 
new landlords in the Highlands grew sheep and beasts 
rather than men, and the men had to go. Sergeant 
More Macalpin, returning covered with glory from forty 
years' service in George III.'s wars, was very apt to 
find, on his return to his native glen, ' the fires quenched 
on thirty hearths, and of the cottage of his fathers but 
a few rude stones.' He turned his eyes longingly towards 
Canada, whither all of his race seemed to have gone ; 
he even started on the journey, but, as we know, he 
never got farther than Gandercleuch ; and there, on 
many a Sabbath morning, we may believe that his heart, 
and sister Janet's beside him, swelled to the noble words 
of the Second Paraphrase : — 

Our vows, our prayers we now present 

Before Thy throne of Grace, 
God of our Fathers, be the God 

Of their succeeding race ! 


King George's III/s character has gained, perhaps, 
some favour in history from the fact of his coming 
between his shocking old grandfather and his quite 
unspeakable son. But the fact remains that, except 
where politics were concerned, George III. was an honest 
man ; unfortunately this is, in the case of a King, a big 
exception. Speaking and thinking wholly in English, 
with a passion for violent exercise, George had in private 
life something in him of the typical John Bull ; his 
tastes were simple, economical, domesticated, and he 
was sincerely pious and religious ; he loved, and to 
some extent understood farming, and he liked to make 
a good bargain over his pigs ; he loved hunting, and, 
even when he became blind, loved long rides about 
Windsor Park with a groom and a leading-rein ; he loved 
patronizing the poor, and he loved laying down the 
law to every one he met. In public, unless vehemently 
excited, he had some natural dignity ; in private life 
none whatever. Unfortunately, both in public and 
private, 'he was often vehemently excited, and then he 
became rude or sullen. The history of his illnesses is 
obscure, but it is certain that his excitability often 
bordered on mental derangement ; on at least two 
occasions, perhaps on four, temporary insanity fol- 



lowed, and in 18 11 he became finally insane. But 
always he had the oddest manners, the most absurd 
habits of inquisitiveness, of rapid talk and repetition 
of his words, with a ' hey ? hey ? ' or * what ? what ? 
what ? ' at the end of each sentence. 

His mother, fearing corruption for his morals, had 
kept him very close to her side, and his education had 
been much neglected ; he could speak French and 
German, but knew nothing of the classics, of literature, 
history or art, though after a fashion he tried to patronize 
them all ; Handel's music he knew and loved, but it 
was his only elevated taste ; one is glad to think that 
he could solace himself with this when he was old, blind 
and insane. Once on the throne he set himself to be 
an industrious King, in which capacity his natural 
stupidity made him pay absurd attention to trifles ; he 
wrote with his own hand numerous and very ungram- 
matical letters to his Ministers on matters that would 
better have been left to them. Yet in the course of his 
long reign he picked up a very considerable knowledge 
of mankind, and often, especially in matters concerning 
the Army, astonished the said Ministers by sensible 
suggestions and criticisms. He believed his own dis- 
tinguishing characteristic to be firmness ; others said 
that it was obstinacy. His personal bravery was un- 
doubted, and was splendidly shown on the several occa- 
sions on which his life was attempted by fanatics. And 
when, in June, 1780, all his Ministers and magistrates 
quailed before a ' No Popery ' riot, which put London 
for three days in the hands of a fierce mob, the King 
saved his Capital by calling out the troops and bidding 
them shoot. 

He was just twenty-two at his accession. He and 


his Queen Charlotte, a Princess of Mecklenburg, whom 
he married in 1761, set a noble example of purity at 
Court, but they brought up their children both stupidly 
and sternly ; the family circle at Windsor or Kew or 
Buckingham House was so dull, the rooms so bitterly 
cold and so Spartan in furniture, the family dinners so 
invariably consisted of roast mutton and rice pudding, 
the family prayers were so awfully regular, that nearly 
all the seven of their sons who attained maturity escaped 
whenever they could, got drunk and ran after actresses. 
And both father and mother were cruelly unforgiving. 

When we turn to the Rex politicus we find a very 
different picture ; the stupidity remains visible, but the 
honesty has disappeared. It is commonly said that 
George proposed to himself the laudable end of breaking 
up the system of government by parties, and that he 
very largely succeeded. The truth is rather that he 
set himself to break up the most powerful party in the 
State, that of the Whigs, which was already breaking 
itself up into sections and family groups ; and he ex- 
pected to succeed to the influence possessed in Parlia- 
ment and in the country by that party. In fact, he set 
himself to be a party leader and to create a party for 
himself. In this latter aim he had for about eleven years, 
1770-81, some measure of success, and a kind of new 
Tory party came into existence ; 1 but the net result was 
that after his effort was spent, parties came back worse 

1 It must be remembered that until, and indeed long after 
the French Revolution had begun, all sections of English political 
leaders still called themselves Whigs ; the name ' Tory ' was 
revived, as a stigma for the party of the Government, about the 
year 1794. But historians generally now speak of the ' King's 
friends ' of 1770-82 as Tories, of North as a Tory, and, almost 
always, of the younger Pitt, from 1793 onwards, as a Tory. 


than ever, have been getting worse ever since and do 
get visibly worse every day. The means by which 
the King proposed to attain his end were the same 
means by which Walpole and Newcastle had purchased 
for themselves majorities in Parliament and the good 
things of office — to wit, distribution of patronage in 
Church and State, in Army, Navy, Civil Service and 
Court, even direct bribery in hard cash; all of which 
means it is bad enough for a Newcastle, but unspeakably 
bad for a King to use. George III. did, in fact, at the 
very time when the better part of the aristocracy was 
revolting against this system, stereotype and rivet it 
upon the necks of Englishmen ; for the Opposition, 
having nothing else to fight him with, fought him with 
his own weapons. The only difference between then 
and now is that party leaders now bribe with other 
people's money instead of with their own. George spent 
in jobbery of this sort all his own Civil List (which 
accounts for the homely diet of his family as well as for 
the fact that his tradesmen usually went unpaid), and 
as much more as Parliament, which he repeatedly asked 
to pay large debts for him, would grant ; and so, in spite 
of his frugality, he was one of the most expensive Kings 
in history. 

What contemporaries in the first twenty years of the 
reign saw, and saw often with a good deal of sympathy, 
was a dogged effort of the King to get Ministers to 
his mind, and to choose them independently of party 
connections. The disinterested part of the Nation was 
decidedly with the King against the great Whig houses. 
Not that the great Whig houses had governed altogether 
badly, but that they were becoming ridiculous ; there 
were Russell Whigs, Grenville Whigs, Wentworth Whigs, 


Pelham Whigs and Cavendish Whigs ; just so many 
family groups. Each said, " I can't take office without 
my Friends " — with a big F. People looked at Mr. Pitt 
and said, ' Ah ! he was the man, he was independent 
of family connections/ It was true indeed that Pitt 
hated Newcastle and the old Whig family groups ; but 
he too had a family group of his own, the Grenville 
group, headed by Earl Temple. Whenever he was offered 
power, Pitt was obliged, like every one else, to say, " I 
won't come in without my Friends ; if your Majesty 
won't ' make room ' for them, I must involve myself 
in my virtue." What the Nation often, and the King 
at first failed to see, was that his choice of Ministers 
must be determined by the willingness of Parliament 
to support them ; the King turned to man after man, 
to group after group in vain, until at last he began to see 
that he must buy a majority in the Houses to support 
the man of his choice ; and from about '67, when the 
idea seems to have been suggested to him by Henry 
Fox, he set himself to do this. But, even when he had 
got some sort of majority, and had got the Minister to 
his mind, he never seems to have been able to trust 
him, and continually intrigued against him or bullied 
him into acting against his own judgment. Lord Shel- 
burne said that he ' excelled in the art of obtaining 
men's confidences and then availing himself of his know- 
ledge to sow dissensions between them.' In the last 
resort he could always threaten to go mad if his wishes 
were thwarted. So, as for his methods, they were as 
detestable and as mean as they could be. 

But as for his ends ? his political opinions ? and his 
prejudices ? One is bound to confess that, good or bad, 
these were based upon the opinions and prejudices of- 


the bulk of his English subjects. He and the Nation 
wanted to coerce America ; we cannot wholly blame 
either for losing it instead. He and the Nation were 
against a licentious press, against mob rule, against 
1 Wilkes and Liberty,' against a sweeping Parliamentary 
reform ; we cannot wholly blame either for having 
thereby called Radicalism into existence ; he and the 
Nation were against justice to Roman Catholics ; but 
neither was clever enough to foresee that the refusal 
of this would make Irish disloyalty permanent. And 
occasionally he and the Nation were most gloriously 
right. A weaker King and a weaker Nation might 
easily have coerced their aristocracy into making a 
degrading Peace with the French Revolution. 

Complex as the ministerial and parliamentary history 
of the reign is, the great outstanding features of it are 
simple and few. In the first twenty-three years come 
the loss of America and the last war with Old France ; 
in the next ten the epoch of financial reform ; while, 
of the remaining twenty-seven, twenty-two are occupied 
with the struggle against New France and the Spirit 
of Revolution. Through the whole sixty years that 
other Revolution is going on which was to change Eng- 
land from a self-supporting agricultural country into 
the workshop of the modern World. Of politicians and 
their intrigues I shall say as little as possible, except in 
so far as they affect these great subjects. 

We have seen, in discussing the close of the Seven 
Years' War, at the end of a previous chapter, how Pitt 
had gone off in the sulks and how Newcastle had been 
contemptuously dismissed. Bute, the ' favourite ' who 
succeeded to the Treasury, was a failure, and resigned 
in April '63, and so George's first serious Minister was 


Pitt's brother-in-law, George Grenville, a conceited, 
industrious, solemn fellow, without a spark of imagina- 
tion, but a sound financier. The King probably thought 
that Grenville would prove a tool, but found that he 
had got, instead, a master who gave him long lectures 
on his duty. Grenville and the other Ministers managed 
to put themselves technically in the wrong, in the year 
'64, by issuing a warrant of doubtful legality against 
a very clever and unscrupulous libeller called John 
Wilkes, Member for Aylesbury, who was a friend of 
Pitt's ally, Lord Temple. Wilkes denounced Lord Bute, 
the Ministry and the Peace in a newspaper called the 
North Briton. The King took up the question hotly, 
and insisted on the prosecution of the libeller. At 
first it was mainly a couple of legal questions that 
were involved — whether the publication of a seditious 
libel is a ' breach of the peace,' or merely ' an act 
tending to a breach of the peace,' and whether a 
' general warrant,' i.e. a warrant to arrest an unnamed 
person or persons, is legal. But from a pamphleteer 
Wilkes, who caught the ear of the Opposition, rapidly 
developed into a demagogue, a champion of unlimited 
press-licence and a ' martyr for liberty ' ; all this 
probably somewhat against his own natural inclina- 
tions, for, though a man of profligate life, he had some 
of the instincts both of statesmanship and patriotism 
in him. Successive Houses of Commons, each more 
and more under George's influence, persecuted and 
expelled Wilkes ; and their legal right to do this was 
more than doubtful. 1 In '74 they gave up the struggle 

1 The House had perhaps the legal right to expel a Member ; 
but it went further and passed resolutions declaring Wilkes 
incapable of being re-elected. 


and Wilkes was allowed to sit for Middlesex, and 
in '82 all the proceedings of the House against him 
were expunged from its journals. The only real im- 
portance of the quarrel, apart from the legal questions 
involved, is that the excitement of the populace 
in his favour, culminating in '68 in very serious riots, 
was one of the symptoms of the birth of modern 
Radicalism. In the height of the Wilkes fever, London 
was in a condition of fearful disorder ; strikers as- 
sembled in Palace Yard and threatened members of 
both Houses, and there were furious fights between 
sailors and coal-heavers on the river. " Mr. Green's 
house," says Horace Walpole, " was besieged by the 
coal-heavers for nine hours, but he killed eighteen of 
them." From this time onward attempts to coerce the 
Houses by ' monster petitions ' and by mob violence 
have never wholly ceased. 

But the real interest of Grenville's Ministry is the 
beginning of the quarrel with the Colonies of North 
America. The prosperity of these thirteen ' Planta- 
tions,' now that they were freed from the fear of the 
French, naturally increased at a great rate ; and the 
almost virgin field of Canada was just freshly open to 
their ' pushfulness.' And the richer they grew, the 
more absurd appeared the restrictions which the Naviga- 
tion Acts laid on their trade. Grenville, however, was 
resolved to enforce these restrictions, and in particular 
to put down the extensive system of smuggling 4 to foreign 
countries on which the New Englanders, especially those 
of Boston, were growing so rich. He also considered, 
and in this he was by no means singular, that the Colonists 
ought to be made to contribute, if not to the expenses 
of the late war, which had been fought largely on their 

vol. III. 19 


behalf, at least to the cost of their own defence in future. 
Accordingly he proposed to raise in British America 
a small sum of £100,000 by a tax on contracts called a 
' Stamp Act.' There was nothing new in a proposal 
to tax America ; Walpole had rejected it ; the great 
lawyer Hardwicke had said long ago that he believed 
it to be legal ; the greatest living lawyer, Mansfield, 
refused to give any legal opinion on it. Some of the 
Colonial Charters mentioned self-taxation as a special 
right ; others did not. The able young Lord Shelburne, 
at the head of the Board of Trade in 1763, had been 
occupied with schemes for raising some contribution 
from the Colonies ; but there was no special Secretary 
of State for the Colonies until 1768. l 

The Colonists would probably have refused and re- 
belled in whatever form the proposition was put to them. 
They never pretended to be grateful to the Mother 
Country, and they had never been really loyal to her. 
" Forty years ago," wrote John Wesley in 1780, " when 
my brother was in Boston, the general language there 
was, ' We must throw off the yoke of England ; we 
shall never be a free people till we do so.' " If they had 
been left alone Americans might have gone on grumbling 
and absorbed in their own interests ; their politicians 
might have continued to breathe their lungs in petty 
quarrels with their Governors until some new grievance 
gavQ them their handle. But at the first grievance 
they would have been up in arms. As for a permanent 
garrison of British soldiers, which Grenville wished 
to maintain in America, the Colonists would none of 
it ; it would be used, they thought, to put down 

1 In 1782 this office was again abolished, and was not recreated 
until 1801. In the interim it was annexed to the War Office. 


smuggling, and to strengthen the very weak hands of 
the Government. The proposed tax, they cried, vio- 
lated the ' first principle ' of government, which is 'jio 
taxation without representation.' Now this is certainly 
not thus a [ principle ' of the British or of any other 
government, still less is it a [ Law of Nature ' ; it is, 
however, a very good working basis of politics, and any 
glaring violation of it is sure to raise an outcry. But 
there were plenty of so-called Whigs, both in the Old 
and New Worlds, who were beginning, unlike their 
ancestors of the Seventeenth Century, to appeal broad- 
cast to ' principles of government ' rather than to 
Common Law rights. Yet if any real principle was 
involved it was that enunciated, in the very crisis of 
the rebellion, by Adam Smith, that Colonies ought to 
contribute to the revenue of the Mother Country, and 
ought not to be retained if they don't. 

The majority of the Americans had certainly no wish 
to break the tie of Union ; but a majority whose loyalty 
is wholly inert is always at the mercy of a minority 
which speaks and acts with decision. The baleful skill 
with which the leaders of the revolt played their 
cards has seldom been equalled. The most disgusting 
hypocrite of the lot is perhaps Benjamin Franklin, the 
Pennsylvania Quaker, who, with loyalty ever on his 
lips, patiently undermined in both Worlds the cause of 
the loyalists and of the Government, seduced Chatham, 
whom he visited in '74, with his glib phrases about 
the ■ old Whigs of 1688 ' and the like ; swore that his 
countrymen had no thought of separation at the very 
time that Congress was in the making ; and, finally, 
negotiated the Treaty with France. The rant and froth 
about Natural Rights were left to Patrick Henry and 


Jefferson ; the Machiavellian intrigues to Samuel Adams. 
Every molehill of maladministration was magnified into 
a mountain, and artfully shown off on a broad background 
of ' principle.' 

The Stamp Act, passed in '64, was not to become 
law till '65, and the year of suspense let loose the flood 
of opposition in both Worlds. George was already in 
bitter quarrel with Grenville over a Regency Bill, 
and was trying to get fid of him ; the great French 
Minister, Choiseul, was watching England ' going to 
pieces in anarchy,' and praying that the anarchy might 
continue till the French Fleet was rebuilt. The Assembly 
of Massachusetts led the way in remonstrances against 
the Act, and the smuggling populace of Boston led 
the way in riots and sacking of Custom-houses. The 
Assembly of Virginia, more temperate but not more 
loyal, proceeded to organize ' constitutional resistance,' 
in the shape of a Central Assembly at New York, to 
which nine of the Colonies sent members, for the despatch 
of petitions to the British Government. They did not, 
we observe, ask for representation in the British Parlia- 
ment, which would have been the true solution of the 
difficulty ; indeed it is not strange that they did not, 
for their politicians would have been drowned and- 
isolated in that Assembly. But it is strange that 
British statesmanship paid so little attention to this 
plan, which was known to be in the air even before 
it was definitely proposed by Adam Smith, for it 
was a plan which would have made the Britain of 
our own days the centre of a world-wide Federated 
Empire, without the farce of ' self-governing Colonies,' 
which are in reality bound to her only by the 
t weakest tie of sentiment — a tie incapable of standing 


the strain of conflicting interests for any serious length 
of time. 

Dis aliter visum. Pitt, who had- already in most 
unworthy fashion denounced the Peace of 1763, went 
back at once to the factious attitude of his earlier years 
and thundered out a lot of splendid froth about ' chains ' 
and ' slavery ' ; but refused to take office when George 
dismissed Grenville. In despair the King turned to the 
Wentworth section of the Whigs, under the tame and 
stupid Lord Rockingham, who was perhaps bullied 
and perhaps frightened into repealing the Stamp Act, 
while passing an Act declaratory of the ' right ' of 
King and Parliament to tax the Colonies. This was 
doing the maximum of mischief with the minimum of 
good. To the King this ' Old-Whig ' Ministry was merely 
a stop-gap ; it included the detested and now quite 
effete Newcastle (who didn't die till '68), the honest and 
shrewd Duke of Grafton, whose real insight was ren- 
dered useless by fatal indecision of character, and the 
highly honourable soldier, General Conway, as Leader 
in the Commons. But all the time the King was in- 
triguing against them and trying to set them at variance 
one with the other ; all the time he was making over- 
tures to Pitt, at last (July, '66) successfully. Rockingham 
and Newcastle were dismissed ; Grafton became nominal 
head of a Ministry in which Pitt, as Earl of Chatham, 
took the Privy Seal and was intended to take the real 
lead. The King had been alternately repelled by and 
drawn towards Pitt, but on the whole rightly believed 
the latter to be as much averse to Newcastleism as 
himself. He also thought that Pitt would find some 
means of conciliating America, but in this he was 
deceived. The new Ministry included Grafton, Shel- 


burne and the great lawyer Camden, all of them, to 
some extent, political pupils of Pitt, and a brilliant 
but rash Chancellor of the Exchequer called Charles 

Now it is true that the Colonists erected statues and 
named cities after Pitt and professed to adore him ; 
true also that his lofty imperialistic imagination would 
have prevented him from passing a Stamp Act or any 
such folly. But, when it came to finding remedies for 
the existing tension, he was as much at sea as any one 
else. In his speeches he went very near to denying 
the Sovereignty of the Mother Country ; and he did 
actually deny the right to tax. But, on the other hand, 
his utter ignorance of law, logic and economic principles 
led him to maintain, in the same breath, the right to 
impose Customs-duties and to regulate American trade. 
The Whigs were on sounder ground when, by the mouth 
of their great political philosopher, Burke, who had 
entered Parliament as a protege of Rockingham, they 
upheld the right, but denied the expediency of all taxa- 
tion. Once in office Chatham seems to have neglected 
American affairs altogether, and to have devoted his 
attention to grand schemes, such as the assumption of 
the sovereignty of India by the Crown and the further 
humiliation of his old French enemies by a triple alliance 
with Prussia and Russia. When the latter scheme was 
spoiled by the cold astuteness of Frederick the Great, 
who had had enough of alliances with English party 
governments, Chatham simply took the gout and sulked. 
In fact, except in the crisis of a great war, this man was 
never fitted for office at all ; he flouted his colleagues, 
even when they were his devoted friends, quite as much 
as he had flouted Newcastle ; he would be sole Minister 


or nothing. So he became nothing, and wouldn't even 
answer letters. George kept him till '68 because of the 
magic of his name, and poor Grafton bore the brunt 
of the work without any authority over his colleagues. 
The King got hold of Townshend, or Townshend got 
hold of The King, and, as '66 had been a bad financial 
year, they proposed a whole row of new and irritating 
little taxes on America. Grafton, who had opposed 
these taxes in the Cabinet, ostentatiously dissociated 
himself in Parliament from such measures ; but the 
growing party of ' King's friends ' rallied to them 
and they were carried. The flame of agitation in 
America blazed up again, and the Assembly of Massa- 
chusetts sent a circular letter to all the other Colonies. 
The Governor dissolved it, but, like the Scottish 
Assembly of 1638, it continued to sit, and this was 
an act of flat rebellion. Soldiers were drafted into 
Boston, and, in March, '70, after enduring for eighteen 
months every imaginable insult and cruelty from the 
lawless mob, they shot in one of the daily riots no less 
than three persons. Boston gravely put on mourning 
and called it a ' massacre.' Meanwhile, Townshend 
had died in the autumn of '67, and Chatham had 
resigned a year later, the Wilkes riots, both in and 
out of Parliament, being then at their height ; gout 
and depression vanished as soon as Chatham was relieved ? 
of responsibility, and the House of Lords soon rang 
with his thunders on the old theme of chains and slavery. 
Well might Choiseul congratulate himself on the endemic 
anarchy of Britain. His Fleet was nearly ready. He 
grabbed at. Corsica in '69, in the teeth of British protests, 
just in time to enable Napoleon Bonaparte to be born 
a French subject ; and in the autumn of '70 he was 


preparing to support the claims of Spain to oust Great 
Britain from the Falkland Isles, far away by Cape Horn. 
Chatham, reckless of consequences, cried out for war ; . 
but for the moment we were saved from war by the 
timidity of Louis XV., who dismissed his great Minister 
and erected peace-at-any-price into a system for the 
remainder of his reign. 

Grafton resigned in January, '70, and Frederick, 
Lord North, a descendant of Charles II.'s Tory Chan- 
cellor, was promoted from the Exchequer to the Treasury. 
He held office for just over twelve eventful years ; a 
man of charming wit and unfailing tact and temper, 
perfectly disinterested and fearless, and perfectly in- 
different to popularity, but continually yielding his 
own judgment to that of King George, and to that of 
the now compact body of ' King's friends,' who formed 
his best supporters in Parliament ; and it must be at 
once admitted that he had also at his back the bulk of 
the Nation. But the best cards in his hand were supplied 
by the unscrupulous violence of the Opposition ; America, 
Wilkes, the City of London, the East India Company, 
Chatham, Burke, Shelburne, Rockingham, Old Whigs and 
New Whigs, all but a few of the Russell section — were 
soon in full cry at his heels, and their factious music, 
disgusted all sober persons. Fox thought North 'the 
most accomplished speaker that ever sat in Parlia- 
ment,' and the Minister had the happy gift of going 
to sleep during the long, dull speeches of his opponents, 
and of waking up to answer them from notes taken 
by an Under Secretary. He ' faced the music ' session 
after session with great courage, and we may set 
down to his credit in home affairs the first ' Relief 
Bills ' in the direction of religious toleration for the 


Roman Catholics (1778), and a further measure in 
favour of Protestant dissenters (1779). North was 
also the first Minister to profit by the lessons of Adam 
Smith, and he began the readjustment of the basis 
of taxation by his Inhabited House duty (1778), his 
Stamp Duty and his tax on men-servants. t j 

But the American business was beyond him altogether ; 
personally he disbelieved in coercion, and would rather 
have let the Colonies go than fight a Civil War ; but 
the King and the bulk of the Nation thought otherwise. 
North began by taking off all Colonial taxes except one 
on tea ; had he removed that too, it is just possible the 
fire might have died down ; the years , 7 0- 73 were 
comparatively calm in America, though Adams and 
Chatham, on their respective sides of the Atlantic, 
assiduously blew the flame. But in '73 came North's 
1 Quebec Act,' which Was designed to extend the 
boundaries of Canada to the whole ' hinterland ' of 
the Ohio and to the upper waters of the Mississippi ; 
a territory which the Colonists of New York and 
Pennsylvania already considered, and with some justice, 
to be their natural ground for expansion. 1 And, in 
the same year, the East India Company was allowed 
to export its tea direct to America. This, which was 
really a benefit to the Colonists (for they got the 
tea ninepence a pound cheaper than if it had paid 
duty in England), was seized on by Adams as a 
1 mean attempt to bribe us into paying the tea 
tax here/ In Boston harbour the Indiamen were 
boarded, and the tea thrown into the sea (December, 
1773). North answered by Bills closing the Port of 

1 North's Act was also denounced because it protected the 
Catholic religion in Canada, 

298 WAR IN SIGHT, 1774 

Boston, revoking the Charter of the Colony, and em- 
powering its Governor to send the rioters for trial to 
England. The American leaders forthwith summoned 
all the Colonies to send delegates to a central Congress 
in New York ; this met in September, '74, and at once 
attempted, though in vain, to incite the Canadians 
to join in open revolt. Agreements were largely 
signed throughout America against the importation of 
British goods ; and, but for the fact that the very 
men who signed them had taken care to ' dry up ' 
the British market first, by buying enough woollens 
and iron goods to last for many years, our trade 
would have suffered a very severe blow by these 

From that hour dated the suppression of free thought 
in America. A Radical has been well defined as a person 
who talks most loudly about the rights of the Sovereign 
People but is always most violent in preventing the 
majority of the said people from exercising those rights. 
The large majority of the people of America did not 
want separation, and did want British goods ; the 
Radical leaders would compel them to get the former 
and go without the latter. No loyalist who dared to 
express his opinions was safe from having his house 
burned and his naked body tarred and feathered. All 
through the struggle, and for ever after it, the American 
leaders showed their true nature by steadily refusing 
compensation to the sufferers by these outrages. Both 
in '74 and '75 strongly conciliatory measures were 
brought forward in Parliament, North himself carrying 
a motion that any Colony which would agree to make 
a voluntary contribution to the defence of the Empire 
should be for ever exempt from taxation. The Congress 


utterly refused to listen even to this ; it was, in fact, 
busy collecting arms and powder. North, though he 
had the country behind him, as the large Government 
majority returned at the elections of '74 had proved, 
and though he had been plainly told by General Gage, 
who was in command at Boston, that 20,000 men was 
the very lowest figure he would require, shrank till the 
last moment from any step towards war. Not until 
the beginning of '75 did he reluctantly send out Sir 
William Howe with seven battalions, to reinforce our 
slender garrison at Boston. Before Howe arrived the 
first blood had been shed, and our first repulse at the 
hands of the American Militia had been suffered at 
Lexington (April, '75). 

Howe, when he landed, found that a fresh Congress, 
in session at Philadelphia, was assuming Sovereign 
authority, calling on Ireland to ' throw off the yoke ' of 
England and enacting coercive measures against any 
Colony that refused to join in the struggle. Under Howe 
were John Burgoyne and Henry Clinton ; all three had 
served with distinction in the late war, but Howe was 
a bad selection for the Commandership-in-Chief. The 
only way to end a Civil War is to fight it out like any 
other war ; but Howe, like some of the Parliamentary 
Generals in 1643-4, seems to have dreaded ' beating 
the enemy too much,' and he had too much political 
sympathy with the Colonial cause. North had, in fact, 
none of the capacity of Pitt for choosing men ; his 
appointment of Lord Sandwich to the Admiralty, and 
his infinitely worse appointment of Lord George Ger- 
maine (once, as Lord George Sackville, too well known 
at Minden) to the Colonial Secretaryship, would alone 
be enough to prove this. The man whom Congress 


selected for Commander-in-Chief of the American Army 
was of a different temper from these persons. George 
Washington was no theorist, no ardent Whig (the rebels 
still called themselves ' Whigs of 1688 '), but simply a 
patriotic gentleman of good Virginian family who con- 
sidered the Colonists to be right in resisting by force. 
He had the unselfish temper and the personal bravery 
of a hero of romance ; and to these he added a patience 
and a tact quite marvellous in the face of endless diffi- 
culties and disappointments. 

When he arrived at Boston in July, '75, the war had 
already begun in earnest ; Howe had been thrice re- 
pulsed in an attempt to clear a height that dominated 
the city (Bunker's Hill), and had only succeeded when 
the ammunition of the American riflemen was exhausted. 
Early in '76 Howe was obliged to evacuate Boston 
and to fall back on Halifax, whither he was followed 
by streams of loyalists and British officials flying for 
their lives. But on the other hand, an American 
attempt to invade Canada in considerable force under 
Benedict Arnold had been repulsed from the walls 
of Quebec by a mere handful of British sailors and 
French gentlemen, to the immortal honour of General 

Meanwhile the [ third Continental Congress ' at 
Philadelphia issued the Declaration of Independence of 
the ' United States of America ' on July 4th, '76. Dis- 
cussions tending in this direction had been going on 
in pamphlets, pulpits, Assemblies and Congresses, ever 
since the Stamp Act ; and in the main they turned 
upon four points : j[i^ What is the origin of the ' Rights ' 
of a People ? (2) Do we Americans derive our rights 
from ' Nature/ or from the Common Law of England, 


or from the original Charters granted to the Colonies ? 
(3) I f these Rights are violated, have we the corollary 
Right to renounce our allegiance to the Crown ? (4) 
Have these Rights been violated ? In the Declaration 
we decide in favour of a ' Natural ' origin of our Rights, 
fortified by some assistance from Common Law ; we 
decide unhesitatingly that King George has violated 
these Rights in eighteen specified points ; and we invoke 
the action of the Convention of 1689 to justify our Right 
of Resistance. On these grounds we renounce King 
George and proceed to pull down his statues. We do 
not mention his repeated attempts at conciliation, nor 
the savage acts of the recent reign of terror against 
loyalists and officials in Boston or elsewhere. The 
publication of this Document made war on a serious 
scale inevitable. Let us consider the respective chances 
of success on the British and American sides. 

The peace establishment of our Army was in 1776 
somewhat under 50,000 men, inclusive of garrisons in 
Ireland, West Indies, Gibraltar and Minorca ; that of 
the Navy, about 20,000 sailors. In time of war it 
was reckoned that we could just about double the 
Army and rather more than treble the Navy. 1 We 
could also hire considerable numbers of Hessian troops. 
But to this last, as well as to the increase of our 
native Army, the Opposition in Parliament continually 
raised the old cry about an ' engine of despotism.' 
Even really intelligent Whigs, like Horace Walpole, 
surprise us by writing in their private letters, that 
they have no doubt that King George intends to 

1 As a matter of fact, by the end of the war, the number of 
Seamen and Marines in the Service had increased sixfold, from 
18,000 to 110,000. 


abolish the liberties of England by means of a Standing 
Army — in fact, that the liberties of England are already 
as good as abolished ; whereas the truth is that, if 
these liberties were in any serious danger, it was 
from Horace's friends in Parliament rather than from 
poor stupid George. Recruits might also be raised, 
and were raised, among the loyalist Americans, and 
did good service ; but, on the whole, we never had at 
any epoch of the war much above 40,000 British 
soldiers across the Atlantic ; brave men, led by officers 
decidedly superior, on the whole, to the American 
leaders. Clinton, Rawdon and Burgoyne were all men 
of real military merit, and Cornwallis afterwards proved 
himself a man of talent ; their plans of campaign, though 
constantly thwarted by the incompetent Colonial Secre- 
tary, who was continually sending them self-contradictory 
instructions, were well drawn ; e.g. Howe's plan of 
holding the line of the Hudson, and so cutting off New 
England from the Centre and the South, was perfectly 
sound. But the lessons taught in the late war by the 
elder Howe, by Forbes and by Bradstreet, were wholly 
thrown away on the British War Office ; Thomas Atkins 
was still an amorphous lobster, loaded with all the 
horrible rigidities of an intolerable uniform, and only a 
few independent companies, raised in the South during 
the later years of the struggle, were brave enough to 
insist on clothing themselves sensibly. Finally, the 
British Army, with all its valour, was the constant butt 
of one of the fiercest campaigns of factious opposition 
ever heard in Parliament. Even Chatham and BurJce 
went, and as far as one can see entirely from party and 
selfish motives, quite beyond the bounds of legitimate 
criticism, while young Charles Fox, son of the arch- 


jobber, Henry Fox, and himself once a Tory and follower 
of North's, spouted sheer treason and rejoiced over 
every drop of British blood that was spilt like any modern 
Irish M.P. Fox, ' a short, gross, fat man, with something 
Jewish in his looks,' was the ablest debater of his own 
or any other day. " Burke's mind," says John Courtenay, 
" was electric, and on the least friction poured out a 
stream of intellectual light ; but he took fire by his 
own motion, and was often consumed by his own 
splendour," and hence the bad taste which disfigured 
many of his speeches. Is it to the credit of the Whigs 
that they adopted for their ordinary party colours 
the ' buff and blue,' which was the uniform of the 
American rebels ? 

America was hardly better equipped for the struggle. 
Her two best generals were, in fact, General Space and 
General Time ; it took three months to get question 
and answer across the Atlantic. Her three millions 
of people were scattered over an area so vast that no 
European Army could conquer them, and still less could 
one hold them if conquered : their bases of resistance 
were everywhere ; our basis of attack was on the sea 
alone ; if for a moment the control of that was lost 
our Armies must be cut off in detail. That was what 
eventually happened. Of the American generals, Arnold, 
the ablest, turned traitor, Lee was at heart a traitor, 
Gates was wholly incompetent, Nathaniel Greene alone 
was a considerable strategist ; all perpetually intrigued 
against Washington. The heart of the Colonists was 
not in the struggle at all ; the thirteen States had no 
bond of union, and wished for none. Congress did not 
show itself worthy of the authority it assumed ; it was 
an assembly of selfish jobbers and ranters, and would 


neither feed, clothe nor pay its Army properly ; it was 
profoundly jealous of the great man whom it had placed 
in command of its troops ; it would not allow him to 
enlist men for the whole period of the war lest ' a military 
spirit ' should spring up. Each State, moreover, raised 
a little Army of its own for local defence, and the chief 
aim of each was to keep the main American Army far 
from its borders. When that Army was victorious the 
local Militia swarmed to its aid ; when it was likely to 
be defeated the local Militia dispersed. To the Colonial 
side belongs the discredit of first calling upon the Red 
Men to come to aid (April, '75), and the pious mission- 
aries of New England were the agents in the job ; but 
in July England followed suit, and the employment of 
the savages was soon quite avowed on each side. The 
British reaped the greater benefit therefrom (and there- 
fore the greater obloquy in history) because the Indians 
knew well that it was the British Government alone 
that had tried to protect them against the Colonists. 
Probably at no time did the whole American forces 
seriously outnumber the British, though they were 
nearly always in greater force "at strategic points. The 
danger really was lest the revolt should collapse of itself, 
and it was very nearly doing so in the last moment of 
the war when victory was at hand. 

Now it seems to me that the British Government might 
well have listened to Chatham upon one point. That 
mighty hooked nose of his was for ever snuffing the tainted 
gale that blew from Paris ; that France was about to 
take advantage of our extremity was to him a certainty. 
If she should do so the whole plan of campaign in America 
would have to be modified, and our true policy would 
then have been to confine ourselves to a naval blockade 

SARATOGA, 1777 305 

of the Colonial coast and to the occupation of one or two 
strategic points on that coast. But in grasp of foreign 
politics North, and in the direction of warfare Germaine, 
were Ministers of, let us say, almost Gladstonian incom- ( 
petence ; and they not only turned an entirely blind eye 
to France, but proposed to involve the British Army in 
at least three separate sets of operations in America. 
The main effort was to be made, and rightly, on the line 
of the Hudson river, which was to be occupied both from 
New York and from Canada ; but at the same time naval 
expeditions were to be sent to raid the coast towns, and, 
before either of these had borne fruit, the Southern 
Colonies were to be occupied in great force. Howe 
indeed began well, and compelled Washington, early 
in the autumn of '76, to evacuate New York ; this 
accomplished, he ought to have thought only of effect- 
ing his junction with Burgoyne, who was to come 
down the Hudson from Canada as quickly as possible. 
Instead of keeping his eyes on this, Howe spread him- 
self widely into New Jersey, and began to threaten 
Pennsylvania, with the idea of frightening away the 
members of Congress. Washington hung all the winter 
on his flank in New Jersey, and in December defeated 
his left at Trenton ; and it was not till the following 
August that Howe succeeded, after beating him at the 
Brandy wine river, in occupying Philadelphia. .Mean- 
while Burgoyne had started from Canada in July, 'yy, 
and recaptured Ticonderoga, Gates and Arnold slowly 
retreating before him. Lo and behold ! when he got 
into American territory, there was nfc Howe to meet 
him. In such circumstances Burgoyne, harassed by 
clouds of Militia at every step and accompanied by a 
preposterous baggage- train, could barely make fifty miles 
VOL. III. 20 


a month ; when he reached Saratoga he found his 
communications cut behind him. On October 6th he 
decided to retreat ; ten days later he surrendered with 
4,800 starving men. 

The effect of this disaster was far greater in Europe 
than in America, and it was greatest of all in France. 
Louis XV. had been dead over three years ; and French 
society, released from his leaden weight, was all alive 
with the anticipation of a golden age. The dull and 
amiable young King was a cypher, but Vergennes, the 
last statesman of Old France, was at his elbow, a man 
with a talent for Coalitions. The charming Queen was 
for ever asking news of ' our good Americans/ ' our dear 
Republicans,' and dancing on a volcano, beneath which 
the grim dwarfs were even then forging republican blades 
for that queenly neck. The darling of Paris society, 
Beaumarchais, in the intervals of writing comic opera, 
was going round, hat in hand, for subscriptions for the 
dear Republicans ; and these, with arms and volunteers, 
were being secretly smuggled across the Atlantic. In 
June, '76, Silas Deane arrived in Paris as an agent of Con- 
gress, and, though officially refused, was secretly given 
200 cannon and 25,000 stands of arms. In December 
Franklin himself arrived, and became the lion of the 
hour. " What a spectacle ! " as Mr. Carlyle says, " the 
sons of the Saxon puritans, sleek Silas, sleek Benjamin, 
here on such errand among the light children of Heathen- 
ism, Monarchy, Sentiment alism and the Scarlet Woman ! " 
All through '77 English ships were sporadically picking 
up contraband French cargoes on their way to America : 
in July Vergennes demanded their restoration, and began 
to man his ships at Toulon and Brest ; and, at the news 
of Saratoga, France hastened to conclude (February, 'y8) 


a Treaty of Commerce and a defensive Alliance with the 
United States of America. If England shall declare war 
on France, this Alliance shall become offensive. America 
shall in future live on French manufactures instead of 
on English (' a splendid stroke for us,' thought the woollen 
weavers of Rouen and the silk weavers of Lyons — they 
little knew the wily Yankee I). 1 America shall not touch 
the French West Indies ; but France shall touch as many 
of the English West Indies as she can get. There shall 
be no truce or peace with Britain without consent of both 
parties to this contract. In the same year France pub- 
lished to Europe a Declaration in favour of the rights of 
Neutral Powers trading at sea. Why should England, 
because she happens to have a big Navy, stop you Dutch- 
men, you Swedes, Russians, Prussians, from trading 
where you please even if you do carry gunpowder to 
Boston ? Why should she call ship-timber, pitch and 
even corn ' contraband of war ' ? And to Spain Vergennes 
said, ' Come ! quick ! let the house of Bourbon present a 
solid front to the insolent Islanders.' And, in '79, Spain, 
who perhaps might have remembered that her own vast 
Colonies were not without commercial grievances against 
her, and that those who live in glass houses would -do 
well to refrain from stone-throwing, lumbered into war ; 

1 After the Peace of 1783 Adam Smith's predictions were largely 
verified. He had strongly denounced the monopoly of the Colonial 
trade which Britain reserved to herself, and said that, without 
that monopoly, we should probably retain all the American 
trade ; and so it proved. No Commercial Treaty was concluded 
between Britain and America till 1794, and the Treaty of 1778 
with France was not actually annulled till 1800, but after 1783 
it was a dead letter. The Americans naturally turned to their old 
correspondents in Bristol and London and bought British goods 
as before the war. 


and in 1780 Holland followed suit, and the Northern 
Courts signed a document called the Armed Neutrality, 
declaring that they agreed with Vergennes and would 
no longer permit Great Britain to search their ships 
at sea. 1 

Sick as the old Sea-Queen was of an acute attack of 
inflammation of the Parliament, this Coalition woke some 
of her leaders to their better senses. Chatham's last 
breath was expended (1778) in denouncing France as the 
one foe to be fought by land and sea, and the task of 
openly supporting the enemies of his country lay thence- 
forth almost wholly on the shoulders of poor Fox. The 
actual assistance afforded by France to her Allies on the 
American Continent was, in mere numbers of men, not 
very great. Twice the French Admirals succeeded in 
throwing at critical moments on to the coast a few 
thousand excellent troops, who, by the way, behaved 
throughout the struggle with a discipline and a self- 
restraint which contrasted very favourably with that 
of the British at this period, and still more favourably 
with the behaviour of French soldiers in Europe during 
the wars of the Revolution. It was, however, rather 
by diverting the British Fleet to home waters, and, in 
company with their Spanish Allies, to the West Indies, 
that France really saved the situation for America. If 
at the beginning she had also sent a powerful Squadron 
to the East Indies she would have done even better, 
but this she omitted to do till 1781. And, long before 

1 Little came of this. Katharine, Czarina of Russia, knew the 
value of British markets for her Empire, and after some diplomatic 
fuss the other Northern Powers danced to her piping. Holland 
was more dangerous to us as a Neutral than as an enemy ; she 
had been the main carrier of American produce during the first 
part of the war. 


any French Fleet arrived in American waters, Washing- 
ton had passed through a terrible winter (1777-8) at 
Valley Forge near Philadelphia, where, bulldog-like, he 
held out against cold, starvation, desertion, intrigue and 
neglect, while Howe was idling away his time in such 
gaieties as the Quaker City could afford. In May, 'j8, 
Clinton took over Howe's command, and fell back upon 
New York with the intention of trying the Hudson 
Valley plan again ; and, while collecting forces for this 
purpose, he kept his men awake by frequent raids to 
his left in the direction of Virginia. Then the French 
Admiral d'Estaing, who ought never to have been allowed 
to escape from Toulon, was skilfully prevented by our 
Admiral Lord Howe (brother of the General) from forcing 
an entrance to New York, and was obliged to sail away 
to the West Indies. Lord Howe had really done well ; 
he was in force considerably inferior to d'Estaing, and 
he ' saved the situation ' for two years to come. But 
then Germaine's orders induced the fatal mistake of a 
division of strength. In the autumn a fresh British 
force arrived by sea and seized Savannah, the Capital 
of the Southernmost Colony, Georgia ; Clinton went 
in '79 (also by sea) to strengthen it, and captured 
Charleston early in 1780 ; he then returned to New 
York, leaving Lord Cornwallis and Rawdon to reduce 
the vast and hot provinces of the two Carolinas, where 
they had to meet in Greene a strategist of great merit. 
The British won a victory (over Gates, not over Greene) 
at Camden, but suffered serious reverses at King's 
Mountain and Cowpens — the latter in January, 1781. 
But the permanent occupation of the South would 
have done little to crush the Northern centres of revolt 
unless Virginia also could be subdued, or unless Clinton 

310 Y0RKT0WN, 1781 

could keep touch all along the coast line with Corn- 
wallis ; and Clinton, having never abandoned the idea 
of reoccupying the Hudson valley, found himself unequal 
to the dual task. Yet, while Clinton was absent in the 
South in 1779, Washington's Army was so shockingly 
neglected by its paymasters that it was able to undertake 
no serious operation in the North ; the cleverest of his 
lieutenants, Arnold, was preparing to betray the key of 
the Northern position (West Point) to Clinton, when his 
treachery was detected and Clinton was forced to look 
Southwards again. 

The end was not far off. All '79-80 the British Fleet 
was more and more called away to the West Indies, 
and was soon to be called away to the East Indies too. 
Six thousand more Frenchmen had escaped the un- 
vigilant Admiral Graves and landed on Rhode Island, 
that is, in Clinton's rear. A glance at the map will 
show how the great estuaries of the Delaware and other 
mighty rivers cut up the coast, how protracted any march 
along that coast must be, how easily defensible are the 
lowest possible points of river-crossing, and therefore how 
completely the Generals depended upon instant and 
intelligent co-operation of the Navy. Twice Cornwallis 
started Northward to get in touch with Clintorf^on the 
former occasion (March, '81) he just won a desperate 
battle over Greene at Guilford, but had to fall back to 
recruit ; at last a junction with one of Clinton's raiding-** 
parties was effected in Virginia, but the Frenchmen, 
Fleet and Army together, were hanging on their flanks, 
while our Fleet was ' refitting ' in New York. De Grasse 
brought three thousand fresh French troops ; Washington 
and the French General Rochambeau hurried to join 
them with every man they could levy. The result was 


that Cornwallis, with 7,000 men, was blockaded, on a 
narrow peninsula at Yprktown, both by land and sea. 
Hood from the West Indies and Clinton from New York 
strained every nerve for relief, but Graves' Fleet, after 
being once beaten off, found itself, on its second arrival, 
a week too late. After less than a month's siege Corn- 
wallis capitulated on October 19th. " Oh God ! it is all 
over," said Lord North when he heard the news ; it was 
indeed a disaster almost unparalleled in British history. 
We hastened to evacuate the Southern Ports, and in 
1782 New York alone remained in British hands. Hardly 
another shot was fired in America, and only the pledge 
that Congress had given to France prevented the im- 
mediate conclusion of a Peace between England and the 
United States. England had in fact missed her one 
chance in 1778. It was then that Lord North vainly 
implored George to allow him to resign, and to substitute 
Chatham ; and it is just possible that Chatham might 
have saved to us a nominal tie with our Colonies by with- 
drawing all troops from America, beating France into 
complete surrender at sea, and then turning to the 
Americans and abolishing all vexatious laws, even the 
Act of Navigation. But even so he must have given, or 
procured compensation for the loyalists, and to that the 
rancorous American politicians would never have assented. 
Lord North's Government had been tottering long 
before the Yorktown disaster ; of his East^ Indian and 
Irish troubles I shall write in other chapters ; the 
' Irish Question,' which has wrecked so many Govern- 
ments, now first became a burning one, and was of itself 
enough to upset a stronger man than North. The Whigs, 
New and Old, were also raising a fierce cry for * economic 
reform ' ; they profoundly resented the successful cor- 


ruption of their darling electorate and their darling 
House of Commons by King George, for they naturally 
wished for a monopoly of that corruption for themselves. 
One of their cleverest leaders, Mr. Dunning, produced 
and actually carried in 1780 a motion " That the influence 
of the Crown has increased, is increasing, and ought to 
be diminished " ; very plain speaking. Their great orator 
Burke thundered in many like words. The slender 
Catholic Relief Bill of 1778, which freed British subjects 
who said Mass from the penalties of high treason, pro- 
duced a frightful outbreak of mob violence in London, 
which was headed by a madman called Lord George 
Gordon. The mob and even the authorities had got a 
strange notion that the employment of troops was illegal 
until the Riot Act had been read ; it takes an hour to 
read this invaluable document, and no magistrate could 
be found to risk his life for an hour. The King was 
probably as ignorant of the real law of the case as his 
mob or his magistrates ; but he had undaunted courage, 
and he bade his soldiers shoot, law or no law. 1 And so, 
after four days, the mob was dispersed at the cost of 
several hundred lives, twenty-nine ringleaders were 
hanged, and ' more people were found dead in the streets 
near empty brandy casks than were killed by the musket- ' 
balls.' When a mob next occupies helpless London, 
perhaps with a more specious and ' philanthropic ' crV 
than ' No Popery/ let us hope a King will be found as 
plucky and as sensible as stout Farmer George. 

1 We know at last, from Professor Dicey's explanation of the 
case of Rex v. Pinney (1831), that it is the legal duty of every 
subject, whether civilian or soldier, to maintain order at all 
costs, if necessary by gunpowder, whether the Riot Act has 
been read or not. 

THE NAVAL WAR, 1778 313 

And, besides these disagreeable interludes, North had 
got a league of Spain, France and Holland against him 
in the Old World as well as in the New. The maritime 
war that ensued has one great interest from the fact of 
its having been purely a maritime war. A lesser states- 
man than Vergennes might easily have allowed European 
complications to tie his country's hands to her Eastern 
frontier ; and perhaps a greater statesman than Lord 
North might have stirred up troubles there for France. 
The French Fleet now numbered eighty sail of the line, 
ship for ship of deeper draught, better model and greater 
weight of broadside than the nominal hundred and fifty 
of the British ; Choiseul had set on foot a special force 
\ of ten thousand * seamen-gunners,' and there was no 
! difficulty in manning the French Fleet with excellent 
sailors and skilled superior officers ; what it lacked was 
good lieutenants and ensigns. The Spaniards, when they 
joined in, could contribute sixty ships, by no means in 
a state of high efficiency. The numerical superiority 
of the British counted for very little in view of the 
enormously wide distribution of our forces that was 
deemed necessary. 1 Apart from the East^ Indies, which 
had little influence on the rest of the struggle, though 
the fighting there was most fierce and glorious on both 
sides, there was the American coast to hold, the West 
Indian trade to be protected, Gibraltar and Minorca to 
be defended, the home waters to be guarded against 

1 As the war went on it became increasingly difficult to man 
the British Navy, in spite of the fact that the pressgang was 
continually at work. An amusing instance of its methods is 
noticed in the shape of a fully rigged ship on land at Tower Hill ; 
the simple countryman visiting London is invited to walk on 
board and inspect it, and immediately finds himself pressed for the 
Navy (1782). 


invasion, and, after 1780, those tiresome Neutrals in the 
Baltic to be watched. Although we practically with- 
drew from the Mediterranean and left Minorca to its 
fate, we tried to keep to all the other points, and the 
result was that our strategy was from the first both 
defensive and defective. And for this Lord Sandwich 
must be held mainly responsible. We should have done 
better to abandon America, withdraw our Squadron 
from the West Indies and follow Hawke's old plan of 
watching for the big Fleets in the Bay of Biscay and 
at the entrance of the Straits. On the other hand, 
the Allies, strategically on the offensive, made in the 
execution of their strategy a series of shocking mis- 
takes, which ultimately left us victorious. Over and 
over again — in the Channel, off Gibraltar, in the West 
Indies — they were in considerably superior force to 
detachments of the British Fleet, but the more they 
looked at each detachment the less they liked the 
task of attacking it. Every battle they fought was 
a defensive one. Every French Admiral, d'Orvilliers, 
de Guichen, d'Estaing, de Grasse, committed this fault, 
and it was not a fault that could be committed with 
impunity against men like Hood, Rodney and Howe ; 
against a Hawke or a Nelson it would have spelt utter 
ruin and annihilation. On the other hand, they did 
immense damage to our commerce ; they picked up West 
Indian isles with surprising skill and vigour, and, at the 
critical moment, as we have seen, they saved Washington's 
Army and the independence of America. As for the 
Spanish Admirals, they hardly counted at all; and the 
objects of the Allies, though they combined bravely to 
besiege Gibraltar, were by no means one. France pre- 
ferred to seize Windward Islands, while Spain naturally 


thought most of recovering Jamaica, and also busied 
herself with overrunning her old possession of Florida, 
which had little effect on the campaign as a whole. 

The war began with an indecisive battle, between 
Admiral Keppel and the Frenchman d'Orvilliers, off 
Ushant in July, 'j8, in which neither side took a 
single ship ; and from that time for nearly a year 
there was no serious fighting in European waters. War 
was declared on Spain in June, '79, and a powerful 
French and Spanish Fleet appeared in the Channel 
shortly afterwards ; but, though a real coast-terror was 
established and prizes made of many merchant ships, 
neither battle nor landing was attempted ; it seemed 
rather as if France had anticipated Napoleon's idea 
of wearing England down by striking at her commerce. 
Spain, however, at once began to blockade Gibraltar 
from the land side, and, as the Government had 
neglected to provision it adequately, the Rock under- 
went, in this, its fourth siege, great hardships. One 
thing, however, was done ; a real hero, George Eliott of 
Stobs, afterwards Lord Heathfield, a born engineer, a 
man who had been in every fight since Dettingen, and 
withal a Scot, a vegetarian and a water-drinker, was sent 
to defend it, and his three years' defence is one of the 
most glorious events in our history. The first relief 
was afforded to him by another hero of the late war, 
Admiral George Rodney, who, on his way to the West 
Indies in January, '80, took or sank nine out of eleven 
Spanish ships in a fearful storm off Cape St. Vincent, 
threw large stores on to the Rock, and even managed 
to send a convoy through the Straits to revictual Port 
Mahon in Minorca, to which also Spain was now turning 
her attention. Again, a year later, a great combined 


Fleet under de Guichen failed to intercept a much smaller 
force under Admiral Darby, who brought a second relief 
to Gibraltar, then being heavily bombarded. De Guichen 
thereafter showed himself off Torbay, fifty strong to 
Darby's thirty ; it was madness on the part of the French- 
man not to use this superior force ; yet, after cruising 
in the entrance to the Channel for some five weeks, he 
withdrew without even having cut off our West India 
trade-ships, which had been his avowed objective. So 
passed the year '8i ; and, though Minorca, after a strait 
siege of six months and a long blockade, fell in the fol- 
lowing February, the undaunted Eliott still kept his flag 
flying. The greatest efforts were, however, made by the 
Allies in the summer ; and in September an immense 
and miscellaneous armament was gathered all round 
Gibraltar — a mighty battery of three hundred guns on 
the Isthmus, ten great rafts or floating batteries firing 
red-hot shot (a new invention) from a hundred and 
fifty mouths, three and thirty thousand men, eighty gun- 
boats and sixty ships of the line — all against a starving 
garrison of seven thousand, and all in vain. Eliott con- 
trived to set fire to the floating batteries, and they blew 
up with fearful loss all in one day ; the moral effect 
of his resistance -was tremendous, and in October Lord 
Howe, by superior seamanship and superior daring, 
reinforced and revictualled Gibraltar, under their very 
noses. This last relief practically closed the war in 
Europe, and Rodney had already practically closed it 
in the West Indies. 

You will remember that in the summer of '78 Howe 
had frustrated d'Estaing's attempt to take New York 
by sea ; by November the Frenchman had gone to the 
West Indies, just in time to see the English Admiral 


Barrington seize the very important post of St. Lucia, 
yet not too late to fight him, had he been minded to do 
so. But d'Estaing preferred to pass on, and to add St. 
Vincent and Grenada to Dominica, which had already 
been seized for France by Marshal Bouille. This occupied 
most of the year '79, and, early in '8o, de Guichen suc- 
ceeded to d'Estaing's command, while Rodney, fresh 
from his triumph over the Spaniards, came with a 
loose sheet to the theatre of war with which he had 
been so familiar in 1 761-2. Rodney at his best was 
one of the most naturally brilliant seamen England 
ever produced, and utterly fearless as to assuming 
responsibility and as to acting without orders, but he 
was sixty-seven years old and in shocking health, a 
bitter enemy of the First Lord (Sandwich), and only 
appointed to a command thus late in the war by 
the personal insistence of King George. De Guichen 
did indeed escape him in the spring of '80, but it was 
because Rodney's captains failed to understand his 
signals, which were for concentrated action on a particular 
point of the hostile Fleet — a manoeuvre to which our 
Navy was not then accustomed. 

On receiving the news that Holland was now included 
among our enemies, Rodney fell upon- the rich Dutch 
islands of St. Eustace and St. Martin, and seized 
enormous booty there ; they had been the great depot 
of contraband goods. 1 He also sent Sir Samuel Hood 
(afterwards Lord Hood) to blockade the greatest of the 

1 " St. Eustace," said Rodney, "did England more harm than 
all the arms of her enemies, and has alone supported the American 
Rebellion." But he committed a grievous mistake in staying too 
long at this Island instead of flying at de Grasse when he arrived 
on the station. 


French Windward Islands, Martinique, which had always 
been a nest of privateers. Early in '81 appeared a 
new French Admiral, de Grasse, who, after skilfully 
effecting the relief of Martinique, passed on, without 
attacking Hood, and seized Tobago. On receiving news 
of the dangers threatening his American Allies the 
Frenchman hurried, in July, to Chesapeake Bay, and 
was absent from the West Indies between July and 
October, helping to finish off Lord Cornwallis at York- 
town. 1 Rodney's health had obliged him to return to 
England k>r a few months, but, when de Grasse 
returned Jo the West Indies, Hood, though in far 
inferior force, managed to keep him busy till Rodney 
reappeared in February, '82. The French and Spaniards 
were now making great preparations for the reduction 
of Jamaica, and Rodney was resolved to prevent their 
junction at all costs. It was off the little Islands called 
' the Saints,' between Dominica and Guadeloupe, that 
the two Fleets at last met in a pitched battle. Rodney 
on April 12th repeated his novel and daring tactics 
of breaking the enemy's line at two separate points, 
took the French flagship with de Grasse on board, and 
four more first-rates, crippled the rest very severely, 
and then, most unaccountably, omitted to follow up his 
victory. 2 Hood thought, and said openly, we ought to 
have taken twenty instead of five ships. But the French 
West Indian efforts were spent, and there could be no more 

1 De Grasse had twenty-eight sail of the line off Yorktown. 

2 ' Our Chief he lay quiet, with good ships around him, 

Some willing to move, but — the devil confound him — 
He made no signal to chase, nor would let others go ' : — 

So wrote one of Rodney's captains, Cornwallis, who afterwards 
kept the great watch at Brest for two years before Trafalgar. 

FALL OF NORTH, 1782 319 

thought of attacking Jamaica. Then, a Whig Govern- 
ment having come into power, Rodney was recalled, 
not for letting de Grasse escape him while he dallied at 
St. Eustace in 1781, not for failing to take twenty French- 
men in this last battle, but for being a Tory ! 

And the war came to an end, not because the French 
Navy was destroyed, for, except in the last battle it had 
hardly suffered at all, but because the French Exchequer 
was empty, and because North was quite readyjto give 
the Americans their independence. It was not, however, 
North but a new Prime Minister that began to treat for 
Peace. General Conway, an ' Old Whig,' successfully 
carried, in February, '82, a motion in the House of 
Commons against continuing the war in America, and, in 
March, North, in spite of the King's entreaties, resigned. 
George made no allowance for his difficulties, roundly 
told him he was deserting his post, and then vainly tried 
to induce the ' New Whigs,' or followers of Chatham, to 
form a Ministry under Lord Shelburne. But Shelburnq 
was averse from this for the present, and told the King 
that he must take all the Whigs he could get, New and 
Old, and that of such an Administration only Rockingham 
could be the head. Rockingham, Shelburne, Camden^ 
Dunning, Grafton, Conway, Fox and Burke, with Keppel 
as First Lord of the Admiralty, did indeed represent a 
powerful combination of Whig groups, but the King 
kept in one Tory, the intriguing Lord Chancellor Thurlow, 
and by his means sowed abundant discord among his 
servants. And, like other ' broad-bottom ' Ministries, 
this one was singularly weak in action, especially after 
the death of its nominal head, the stupid Rockingham, 
in July, '82. Indeed its main efforts were concentrated, 
not on making Peace either with France or America, but 


on Irish and East Indian affairs, and on economic reform. 
Mr. Burke brought in a Bill for abolishing a lot of sinecure 
offices and other means of corruption, but, in effect, the 
whole thing was whittled down to a saving of £70,000 a 
year, mostly by mean economies in the King's Household. 
Rockingham was succeeded as Prime Minister by Shel- 
burne, whom, in spite of his abilities and his plausible 
manners, no one, and least of all King George, really 
trusted. Fox and Shelburne had already quarrelled 
badly over the terms of the coming Treaties with France 
and A*nerica ; each in fact had appointed his own 
negotiator at Versailles, and Vergennes and Franklin had 
cajoled them both. So, on Shelburne's appointment to 
the Treasury, the leading ' Old Whigs,' including Fox and 
Burke, resigned, and, at the age of twenty-three, William 
Pitt, second son of the late Lord Chatham, became 
Shelburne's Chancellor of the Exchequer ; two other 
young men, Henry Dundas of Arniston and William 
Grenville, subsequently to be Pitt's right-hand men, 
now first entered the Ministry. 

It seems to have been an honest Ministry, and one 
which might have concluded a satisfactory Peace. 
Shelburne was at least a man of ideas, a free trader and 
a reformer of all real abuses, without being at this time 
in the least a Radical ; even in after years he defended 
Warren Hastings, whom Tories and Whigs alike immolated 
on the altar of party ; he fought tooth and nail, in the 
American negotiations, for the cause of the loyalists 
against the unctuous rancour of Franklin ; and it was 
he 1 who now once more prevented the cession of Gibraltar 

1 At least, so said Shelburne, but there is some evidence the 
other way. Pitt certainly fought hard against the proposal to 
cede the Rock. 


in exchange for some trumpery West India island or 
other ; the King had been quite ready to cede it. But 
what is the use of an honest Ministry if two political 
parties, not a month ago bitter enemies, suddenly coalesce 
against it in the House of Commons ? This was what 
happened, to the amazement of the world, in the spring 
of '83, before any definite Peace had been signed. On 
February 14th Fox, out of mere personal spite to Shel- 
burne, suddenly asked for a private interview with Lord 
North ; and, to the eternal disgrace of the latter, the 
two laid their heads and their followers together, and 
carried a vote of censure on the Ministry. No principle 
whatever was involved ; only the most barefaced want 
of principle on the part of both the criminals. King 
George's fury may easily be imagined, but Shelburne was 
obliged to resign on February 24th, and, as the King 
refused for two months to have anything to say to the 
conspirators, there was, until April, no Ministry in Eng- 
land. Then at last George gave way ; under the nominal 
headship of the Duke of Portland, Fox and North, as 
Secretaries of State, divided the spoils of office and the 
fruits of bribery ; and it was this Government that con- 
cluded the final ' Treaty of Versailles ' in September, 
1783. By this Peace Great Britain ceded three of her 
gains of 1763, namely Florida to Spain, Senegal (on the 
West African coast) and Tobago to France ; two of her 
recent acquisitions, Goree and St. Lucia, also to France ; 
and, worst of all, one of her precious gains of 1713, Minorca, 
to Spain. She recovered the other West Indian isles 
that France had taken — Grenada, St. Vincent, Dominica 
and St. Kitts. She allowed Dunkirk to be fortified. 
With America a provisional agreement had been con- 
cluded nine months before, and this was now incorporated 

VOL. III. 21 


in the Treaty ; England renounced the policy of North's 
Quebec Act, and gave the whole Ohio and Mississippi 
district to the United States ; she admitted the Americans 
to a share in the Newfoundland fishery, and accepted a 
vague unguaranteed promise that Congress would restore 
their landed property in America to ' such British sub- 
jects as had not borne arms ' ; this was all that was 
promised to the suffering loyalists, and not an acre of 
this was ever restored. A charming story, current at 
the time, may fittingly close the history of the Thirteen 
Colonies. Vergennes was entertaining at dinner, on the 
night of the signature of the Treaty, Mr. Richard Oswald 
and Mr. Benjamin Franklin, the plenipotentiaries for 
the respective Governments of Great Britain and 
America ; and he, as in duty bound, proposed the 
health of his own sovereign " Louis XVI., who, like 
the Sun in Heaven, illumines, etc., etc." Finding the 
role of the Sun occupied, Mr. Oswald, in proposing 
George III., could only compare him to the Moon (who 
rules the tides and so rules the sea) ; whereupon 
Franklin rose — and one can forgive even Franklin much 
for it — and added, "And I give you the health of 
George Washington, who, like Joshua of old, said to 
the Sun and to the Moon, ' Stand ye still/ and they 
obeyed him." In truth the best laurels reaped in this 
unsatisfactory contest were those which adorned the 
brow of George Washington. 


King George's popularity with his people dates from the 
years 1783-4. The Coalition of Fox and North was such 
a manifest attempt to secure the spoils of office for mere 
personal and party ends that its leaders were rightly held 
to have forfeited all claim to honour and consideration, 
and the King, by refusing them all private audiences, by 
refusing to create any Peers for them, and by limiting 
himself to the barest official communications with them, 
took a line that commended itself to all reasonable men. 
If he took advice from any one at this time it was from 
Lords Temple and Shelburne, and perhaps from Lord 
Thurlow, who still remained Chancellor, as he had been 
under North, Rockingham and Shelburne. George made, 
however, at least one overture to young Mr. Pitt. 

The Coalition, when in, did nothing even ostensibly 
Whiggish ; it had come in on a vote of censure on 
Shelburne's Peace negotiations, but then proceeded to 
conclude Peace, as we have seen, exactly on Shelburne's 
lines. As for ' Economic Reform,' the old cry of Fox 
and Burke, it did absolutely nothing, and the only great 
measure it produced was a Bill for the better government 
of India, which we shall discuss in another chapter. On 
this Bill it was wrecked. Its great majority in the Lower 
House enabled it of course to carry anything there, but 
the King used his personal influence to procure the rejec- 



tion of this India Bill in the House of Lords. In doing 
so he undoubtedly violated a ' Convention of the Con- 
stitution ' and one of the oldest Privileges of Parliament, 
according to which the Sovereign may not ' take notice 
of any proceeding depending in either House/ i.e. not 
until such proceeding is presented to him in the form of 
a Bill for his acceptance or rejection. ' Conventions of 
the Constitution ' are, however, matters liable to variation, 
and to various interpretation from age to age, and most 
of the Privileges of Parliament are mere ' Conventions.' 
George violated no Statute ; and, as he ' could do no 
wrong/ it would have to be presumed that some other 
person had done the wrong by advising him to act as he 
did. Fox ought to have impeached some person — say 
Temple, Shelburne or Thurlow — for giving the King 
advice to violate Privilege of Parliament ; had he felt 
strong enough he would probably have done so. But, 
directly the India Bill was rejected by the Lords, the 
King contemptuously dismissed his Ministers and gave 
the Treasury to young William Pitt (December, 1783). 

Pitt took office in that month with a large majority of 
the House of Commons against him, and did not dissolve 
Parliament until the following March ; in doing so he and 
the King violated, in the most open manner, another 
Convention of the Constitution, 1 and showed thereby 
that such Conventions can be successfully violated. It 

1 Namely that a Minister who has a clear majority of the House 
of Commons against him ought to resign office. There are, it is 
true, two recent instances of a newly appointed Minister confront- 
ing a hostile majority in the House of Commons without at once 
dissolving, but in each case the dissolution has been deferred only 
to suit the convenience of the electors, not that of the Ministers. 
Perhaps it may even be argued that, in 1784, no such Convention 


is always a dangerous game to play, for the electorate 
may refuse to condone the Minister's action at the next 
election. It was a very dangerous game to play then ; 
though he was Chatham's son the Minister was quite 
unknown outside Parliament, and the King was mainly 
known to his people as a jobber of Parliaments. But 
the Coalition was detested ; and it played its cards very 
badly in trying to prevent a dissolution, the very thing 
which at first, when the unconstitutional action was fresh 
in men's minds, it ought to have courted. Pitt, on his 
side, played the hand superbly ; the majorities against 
him diminished day by day as the fury of their leaders 
grew more fierce ; and, in March, a general election not 
only condoned but endorsed in the heartiest manner 
the violation of the two Conventions. One hundred and 
sixty followers of Fox and North lost their seats, and 
the Prime Minister entered, in the twenty-fifth year of 
his age, on his eighteen-year-long tenure of power with 
a vast majority at his back. The Whigs by their factious 
conduct had condemned themselves to an exclusion from 
Office that was to last for almost half a century. 

To pass judgment on William Pitt is, for a writer so 
ill-equipped with knowledge as myself, a frightful task, 
especially when I reflect that the history of his times 
yet remains to be written. To criticize him severely, in 
view of what he did for Britain, would be like attacking 
the character of Queen Victoria. Perhaps no man ever 
gave his life so wholly to his country and gave his life 
so wholly for his country. And the tragedy of that life 
is awful ; he seemed born to lead us in the pleasant 
paths of peace, retrenchment and moderate reform, in 
which shepherding he showed a skill that has never been 
equalled ; when we were at the acme of the prosperity 


which he had given us and he at the height of his fame, 
the French Revolution burst upon him and us, blew all 
his plans to the winds, drove him to be a reactionary 
in spite of himself, and killed him at the age of six-and- 
forty, in the darkest hour of the fortunes of Europe, 
which he had thrice armed against it in vain. 

In private life and to his few intimate friends Pitt was 
the most lovable and playful of companions ; in public life 
the coldest and haughtiest of colleagues and Ministers ; 
in both public and private integer vitce scelerisque purus 
beyond all other statesmen. How with his upbringing 
he escaped being a prig and a molly-coddle it is dim- 
cult to understand. Chatham had trained him from his 
infancy to be a parliamentary leader, and above all an 
orator ; his earliest pleasure was listening to his father's 
sonorous declamations in the Lords. But his natural 
gifts and his devotion to duty took him far beyond the 
scope of any training which Chatham could have de- 
vised for him. He went to Cambridge at fifteen with 
a tutor and, for he was very delicate, a nurse. He be- 
came a finished Greek and Latin scholar, one of the best 
of his age ; he became an orator far less dramatic, but, 
because of his rooted common sense, infinitely more 
persuasive than his father ; a parliamentary leader of 
unrivalled power and grip, a past-master of all legal 
and constitutional lore, and, above all, a financier of 
supreme ability. Yet, as Machiavelli would have 
said, the ' times were such ' that a year of Chatham — 
Chatham the reckless spendthrift, the turgid declaimer, 
the impossible colleague, Chatham the King-tamer, 1 the 
France-hater, the galvanic inspirer of subordinates — 

1 That Chatham was always ostentatiously humble in the King's 
presence cannot blind us to the fact that he tamed George II. 


might have annihilated the hydra of the French Republic 
in its infancy and saved England twenty-three years of 
war and six hundred millions of debt. 

From his first entry as Premier Pitt towered above 
his colleagues. And in truth they were not very tall men. 
Lord Rosebery speaks of them as ' a procession of orna- 
mental phantoms/ mostly in the Upper House. They 
were untried, if not wholly unknown men. Pitt very 
wisely would have nothing to do with Shelburne, a political 
Jonah whom no one trusted, though many of Shelburne's 
brilliant ideas remained with him. Henry Dundas, 
though he ' enjoyed the singular felicity of not speaking 
English,' was an able debater and Pitt's best supporter 
in the Lower House. William Grenville was an able man, 
a scholar even superior to Pitt himself, in middle life 
a true patriot and a real European statesman, but 
cursed with fearful pride, with still more fearful temper 
and with a Whig family connection and tradition, which 
obliterated, at the most critical moments, every dictate 
of honour and gratitude to his leader. Thurlow remained 
Chancellor till '92 and was an element of weakness in 
the Cabinet, as he was always ready to intrigue with 
the King or with his lesser colleagues. It must not be 
supposed that George, on taking Pitt as his Minister, 
turned over a new leaf and gave up jobbing ; far from 
it ; he kept a party ' of King's friends ' in the House as 
long as he kept his reason, and he spent at every general 
election large sums in bribery. He thwarted Pitt on 
many occasions, and we can well believe that he never 
appreciated or liked his great Minister. But he kept 
him in office simply because the one alternative was the 
detested Fox. As Lord Rosebery well says, George's 
letters to Pitt resemble ' those of a man in embarrassed 


circumstances to his family solicitor.' So, on nine occa- 
sions out of ten, the King's friends received their orders 
to support Pitt and obeyed them. As for Pitt himself, 
not only was his whole life a protest against parliamen- 
tary corruption, but he had no need of its aid. 1 If he 
was on the whole not ill supported by George, he 
was infinitely better supported by all the enlightened 
classes of Great Britain. This is not to say that he 
was uniformly successful in carrying his measures. His 
majority was by no means a united body. On several 
great questions, such as his prescient dread of the grow- 
ing power of Russia, his excellent measure for a better 
scheme of representation, his wise commercial policy 
towards Ireland and America, and his zealous advo- 
cacy of the abolition of the Slave Trade, he sustained 
defeats, or only received lukewarm support. But these 
defeats would only have been temporary, and this support 
would no doubt have become sufficient, had the fifteen 
years of peace, to which in 1792 he so confidently looked 
forward, been granted to him. For the Nation, under his 
wise guidance, was becoming more enlightened every day. 
His financial policy was extraordinarily successful, 
and may be briefly summed up. As Adam Smith's 
scholar — " we are all your scholars," he said to him at 
a dinner party in '87 — he realized that a greater revenue 
may be obtained from a low duty upon any given article 
than from a high one, for this will not only increase con- 
sumption but will cut at the roots of smuggling, which 
only the high duty makes profitable. The smuggling 
trade was then at the height of its prosperity, and Pitt's 
systematic reduction of duties on every import of luxury, 

1 Indeed his financial reforms destroyed the most potent of its 
original sonrces ; the enormous number of sinecure offices, 


especially upon tea, wine and tobacco, swiftly ruined it. 
He carried with ease the substitution, in the case of 
these articles, of an Excise duty for a Customs duty, the 
effort to carry which had so nearly upset Walpole in 
1733. He carried with equal ease the great Customs 
Consolidation Act, providing that all payments of duty 
should be made on one set of schedules and to one Ac- 
count at the Bank of England ; and thus he enormously 
reduced the cost of collecting the revenue. He con- 
tinued to widen the basis of taxation on the lines on 
which North had begun to widen it, e.g. by his introduc- 
tion of duties on probate of wills and legacies, and by 
his numerous little and little-felt taxes, such as those 
on men-servants, hair-powder and the like. He insti- 
tuted a Sinking Fund on a far sounder basis than 
Walpole's, for the reduction and ultimate abolition of the 
National Debt. Finally his great Treaty of Commerce 
with France in 1786, by which England was to admit 
French wines, oil and brandy, and France to admit British 
woollens and hardwares, on the lowest possible scale of 
reciprocal duties, marked the first step towards open 
Free Trade ; and the Treaty was accompanied by wise 
political provisions for the protection in each country 
of property belonging to subjects of the other. 1 The 
result of all these great measures was that in eight years 
Pitt saw the ' Funds ' go up from 57 to 96 ; the Debt of 
250 millions reduced by 10 millions ; an annual deficit 
of three millions converted into an annual surplus, in- 
creasing at compound interest and devoted to the further 

1 Fox of course denounced the Treaty, and, by an astonishing 
volte-face, called the French, now that they were the friends of 
his own country, ' our natural enemies.' However, they soon 
went to war with us, so that he was again able to regard them as 
his friends. 


reduction of that Debt ; the accounts of the Nation, for 
the first time in history, properly kept and properly 
audited ; the revenue increased from twelve to sixteen 
millions, and both exports and imports increased in 
the same proportion. All this represented a prodigious 
amount of labour over statistics, in which he was well 
assisted by William Eden, Lord Auckland, Charles Jen- 
kinson, afterwards Earl of Liverpool, and his own cousin 
William Grenville, afterwards Lord Grenville. 

Among his successes the great East India Bill of 1784, 
mainly the work of Henry Dundas, will be treated else- 
where ; elsewhere also will be treated the greatest of all 
his measures, in which, owing to the jealousy of English 
merchants, he suffered a cruel defeat — his scheme for 
perfect free trade with Ireland. With America too he 
desired perfect free trade, and this he might have carried 
but for the jealousy of the West India merchants at 
home, who refused to open the West Indian markets to 
the United States. We can hardly reckon his Slave 
Trade policy among his failures, for, though he failed 
to abolish the infamous traffic, he never ceased to look 
towards that goal ; the Bill of 1788 was the first Bill 
that regulated and mitigated the horrors of the trade ; 
he was defeated on the motion for immediate abolition 
in 1792, but gradual abolition would have undoubtedly 
been carried a year or two later but for the war, which 
adjourned all reforms; 1 the wisest of the 'abolitionists,' 
Wilberforce, believed in him to the last. 

He was defeated also upon another great subject 

1 It must be remembered that the French Republicans tried to 
excite slave insurrections in our West Indian islands, 1794, and 
that the massacre of the whites by the slaves of San Domingo, 
1 79 1, was not calculated to soften the feelings of white men 
towards blacks. 


upon which his heart was set — such an improvement 
of the representative system as is commonly called a 
■ Reform Bill.' This he had twice brought forward in his 
first years in Parliament, and he moved it again in 1785. 
It was a hereditary task ; Chatham had prophetically 
talked about the necessity for the House of Commons 
reforming itself, ' or it would be reformed with a 
vengeance from without.' No more fitting task could 
be conceived for a peace Minister in quiet times. The 
anomalies of the old representative system were ludicrous, 
and were a fruitful source of corruption. The ancient 
and honourable Borough of One-vote returned, on the 
nomination of the Duke of Rottenburgh, and by the 
mouth of its free, fat and dependent burgess Mr. 
Christopher Corporate, two Members to Parliament ; 
and hard by was the populous City of No- vote. The 
Borough, as readers of Peacock will remember, stood in 
the middle of a heath, and consisted of a solitary farm, 
of which the land was so poor that it would not have 
been worth the while of any human being to cultivate it, 
had not the Duke found it very well worth his to pay 
his tenant for living there, in order to keep the honour- 
able Borough in existence. Mr. Christopher Corporate, 
in giving his vote for his two Members, did, in fact, elect 
a three-hundredth part of the Legislature ; and was the 
'quintessence and abstract of thirty-three thousand six 
hundred and sixty-six people.' ! Such anomalies were 
perfectly well known ; there was Gatton, and there 
was Old Sarum, for which last the elder Pitt himself 

1 Peacock's figures were slightly out, both as to population and 
as to numbers of the House of Commons, even at the date at 
which ' Melincourt ' was written (18 17), but I have not thought it 
worth while to vary them. 


had once sat, and for which the extreme Radical, John 
Horne-Tooke, was one day to sit. More than one-third 
of the Lower House was returned on the nomination of 
a few territorial magnates. Recently the King had 
acquired a substantial number of boroughs. Instances 
of bribery and corruption, as flagrant as those of 
some Guardians of the Poor in modern London, had 
occasionally been exposed ; the Mayor and Corpora- 
tion of Oxford had been in prison for it in 1768, 
and, while there, had effected a successful sale of their 
votes. Sudbury had put itself up to auction to the 
highest bidder. In England there were about 300,000 
electors in a population well over seven millions ; in 
Scotland the proportion was even more ridiculous — e.g. 
in the County of Bute there was the one famous elector 
who elected himself. One does not need to multiply 
instances, but it is obvious both that the Members failed 
to represent their constituents and that the Constituencies 
failed to represent the Nation. The system has been 
defended tpon various grounds, never more strangely 
than by Burke on the ground of its ' sacredness,' and 
by Canning, in later days, on the ground of its ' elas- 
ticity.' But the best defence, and it is, in fact, a suffi- 
cient one, is that it secured, as no democratic system 
ever can secure, the representation of the intelligence 
of the Nation. The nomination boroughs afforded the 
only chance for young men of ability without family 
connections to enter Parliament. Burke, both Pitts, 
Canning and Gladstone, were all nominees of great 
men. The last of these maintained, in the hearing of 
the present writer, that England was never better 
governed than in the last age of the old unreformed 
Parliament. People are too apt to forget that all real 


substantial reforms proceed from intelligence alone, 
that intelligence is always in a minority, and that 
Democracy sacrifices not only intelligence but all the 
reforms that can only proceed therefrom, in order to 
maintain itself and to split political power into frag- 
ments more and more minute. 

A great impulse had been given to the idea of a 
reformed system at the time of the Wilkes riots, when 
it became the fashion to petition Parliament, on this 
and other subjects, on a great scale. Wilkes himself 
had brought forward a very sensible Reform Bill. All 
sorts of kindred ideas were in the air — e.g., could con- 
stituents interfere to control the votes of their elected 
representatives ? Mr. Burke had lost his seat for Bristol 
for protesting against the novel and disastrous doctrine 
that they could. But Burke, great political philo- 
sopher as he was, was a bad advocate of a cause, and 
had gone out of his way to defend even the rottenest 
system of rotten boroughs; " touch not," he said, " the 
venerable fabric of the Constitution " ; and the Old 
Whigs followed Burke at this time, for they well knew 
that their strength lay in the rotten boroughs. Pub- 
licity or secrecy of debate was another much vexed 
question. In 1772 the House had embarked on a long 
quarrel with certain printers who published accounts 
of the debates. There was a ' Strangers' Gallery,' to 
which shorthand writers occasionally got admission by 
paying the doorkeeper a guinea per session, but it 
was always liable to be closed at the demand of any 
member. Another favourite subject for discussion was 
the duration of Parliaments ; Chatham had thought 
that corruption would be mitigated by a Triennial Bill ; 
the Duke of Richmond was always moving for Annual 


Parliaments. The franchise was another such subject ; 
was the ' forty-shilling freeholder ' to be for ever the 
sole depository of it in the Counties ? were the strange 
anomalies, according to which it varied in almost every 
Borough, to continue ? Even the want of gravity in 
that august assembly the House of Commons, was a 
frequent subject of criticism ; an intelligent German 
visitor was shocked, in 1782, to see honourable Members 
stretched out on the benches, cracking nuts and eating 
oranges. Clearly ' Reform ' was in the air. 

Pitt, whose Bill of 1785 was defeated by seventy-four 
votes, seems to me to have got the thing by the right 
end. His immediate proposal was to disfranchise thirty- 
six of the rotten Boroughs, and to add their members 
to the County constituencies and to London. With the 
franchise he did not propose to deal at present, except 
that he would admit copyholders, still a fairly numerous 
rural class, on the same footing as freeholders. But 
the real merit in his scheme is that it included a system 
for a gradual, almost an automatic transfer of repre- 
sentation from the less populous to the more populous 
constituencies. Had this been carried, accompanied 
by an equalization (not a lowering) of the franchise, 1 
the greatest evil of the nineteenth century, ' Reform 
with a vengeance from without,' the baleful nostrum 
of every agitator and demagogue, would have been 

1 The franchise was already too low ; a freehold worth forty 
shillings a year had meant something adequate in the reign of 
Henry VI. ; it meant very little now. All the Reform Bills and 
Redistribution Bills of the Nineteenth Century would have been 
harmless, and even beneficial, had they not been accompanied by 
successive lowerings of the franchise, each of which necessarily 
meant more and more the supremacy of the ignorance over the 
intelligence of the Nation. 


avoided. But Whigs and ' King's friends ' combined to 
defeat the measure ; no one in the Cabinet except Dundas 
shared Pitt's views, and Pitt was never able to bring 
it forward again. " One does not rebuild one's house," 
said Mr. Windham, " in the hurricane season " ; and, 
from 1793 till death, Pitt was trying to erect temporary 
barricades against the worst hurricane in history. The 
Cause of Reform, with a big C. and a big R., passed 
into the hands of the very people who were trying to aid 
the French in pulling down the house about Pitt's ears — 
Fox, Grey, Bedford, Norfolk, Erskine — blind and deaf to 
all considerations of national defence and national honour, 
if only they could glut their vengeance on the hated 
Tories. In season and out of season they insisted on it, 
as they insisted on every measure that could hamper Pitt 
— and they never could get fifty votes in their favour. 

Pitt has been freely blamed by many writers for not 
resigning office when he sustained this and other defeats, 
for not making them, as would now be said, ' Govern- 
ment questions.' He has been accused of truckling 
to the King, as North did, of clinging to Office for its 
own sake. Those who argue thus forget that the old 
' corrupt ' and aristocratic House of Commons was a 
body with a far more independent will of its own than 
a modern one ; independent both of the Minister who 
led it and the electors who elected it ; its majority 
ardently wished Pitt to continue to lead it, but did 
not, therefore, bind itself to accept all his measures. 
They forget also the temper of the Nation. 

Ask the Nation what it felt and feared in the crisis of 
the Regency Bill — November, 1788, to March, 1789. On 
Guy Fawkes' day George III. had an attack of insanity ; 
it might or might not be permanent, but the worst was 


feared. The only possible Regent was the Prince of 
Wales, afterwards George IV., a man of scandalous life, 
reckless extravagance and bitter enmity to his father and 
his father's friends. It does not speak well for Fox and 
some other Whig leaders that they were hand-and-glove 
with this abandoned young man, whom they had taught 
to gamble, race and drink ; Fox had been, in fact, his 
first corrupter ; Lord North had stood, even after the 
Coalition, steadily aloof from him. It was certain that 
if the Prince became Regent he would dismiss the present 
Ministry, and instal Fox, if for no other reason, at least 
to spite his father. Pitt, therefore, proposed to create 
him Regent with certain restrictions. These restrictions 
were that he was to create no Peers and grant no pensions 
or places except during the King's pleasure, and that 
the Queen was to have control of the King's person 
and household. Obviously this did not mean that the 
Prince might not dismiss Pitt and instal Fox, or any 
other Minister he pleased ; indeed, Pitt made full pre- 
paration for his own dismissal, and intended to resume 
his practice at the Bar. But the restrictions would 
ensure that, if the King recovered, he would not find 
all Pitt's work of economic reform upset, and the old 
jobbery of the Oligarchy restored. Fox took the line, 
extraordinary in a professed ' Old Whig of 1688,' that 
the Prince of Wales had an inherent hereditary right 
to the Regency as, in the case of his father's death, to 
the Crown. Pitt, exclaiming that he would ' un-Whig ' 
Fox for the rest of his life, showed that the Crown alone 
is hereditary, the Regent a person for the Houses to 
appoint and to limit as they pleased. Fox shifted his 
ground, and declared that the Prince was willing to 
wait till the Houses nominated him Regent, but fought 


hard against the restrictions. The City of London, 
and indeed the whole country, was in utter terror at 
the prospect of losing its darling Minister, and of seeing 
the corrupt ' old gang ' revelling in the spoils of office 
and putting the clock back. Thurlow betrayed Pitt 
and intrigued with Fox and the Prince. By mid- 
February the Bill was all ready, and a Commission had 
been prepared to affix the Great Seal to the Act creating 
and limiting the Regent ; Fox thought ' we should be 
in in a fortnight.' But already the King's symptoms 
were better, and by March 10 he was well ; the joy of 
the Nation was almost frantic. George had never done 
anything half so popular as to come to his senses at 
that crisis ; and he professed and occasionally showed a 
good deal of gratitude to Pitt ; but it was not till '92 
that the latter was able to dismiss the traitor Thurlow. 
The year '91 was marked by an excellent Catholic Relief 
Bill, which went a good deal farther than that which North 
had accepted in 1778, and by the ' Quebec Government 
Act,' granting a moderate measure of representative 
government to those loyal colonists, the Canadians. 
In the spring of '92 Pitt, in moving his Budget, which 
greatly reduced the expenditure on the Army and 
Navy, made the astonishing statement that \ there had 
never been a time at which Great Britain could more 
confidently look forward to fifteen years of peace.' 

An astonishing statement indeed. For, alas ! the 
picture of this golden age has another side. Pitt's 
foreign policy had hitherto been as wise as his domestic. 
His great Treaty with France had buried, it seemed for 
ever, the tomahawk which his father had been so fond 
of wielding against our ' natural enemies.' Our inter- 
course with these dear foes had never been so close and 
vol. in 22 

33§ FOREIGN POLICY, 1784-91 

so affectionate as between 1786 and 1789, and was not 

to be so again until the reign of Edward VII. In spite 

of that intercourse Pitt had rescued Holland from being 

towed in the wake of France, and, by the clever diplomacy 

of Sir James Harris, had concluded with her and 

Prussia a Triple Alliance, which was making its weight 

felt all over Europe. The absurd pretensions of Spain 

to maintain her mare clausum in the North- West corner 

of America, whither a Spanish ship had hardly ever 

sailed, were defeated in 1790 by Pitt's instant armament 

of a Fleet ; as in 1770, Spain now again appealed, but 

appealed in vain to France, was obliged to ' climb down ' 

and allow the English occupation of a trading station 

at Nootka Sound, which we now call Vancouver. Only 

in the Near East Pitt had suffered a defeat. Here, too, 

he was ahead of his age and was probably right, but he 

could carry neither Cabinet nor Country with him. He 

wished to interfere decisively to prevent the extension of 

Russian power on the Black Sea (1791) at the expense 

of Turkey ; a British Squadron sent to the Baltic could 

undoubtedly have checked this, and Pitt knew well that 

Russia already had designs not merely on Constantinople 

but on India as well. But no one else in England would 

believe this, and the Russian trade was reckoned far too 

valuable to be risked on such grounds. 1 The rebuff was 

a serious one for British prestige and Pitt felt it acutely, 

but it was certainly not a cause for him to resign office. 

Meanwhile the real Storm was brewing in Paris. 

1 Fox, according to a story often denied but never disproved, 
went the length of sending a private friend, Sir Robert Adair, 
to St. Petersburg, to intrigue with Russia against the British 
Ministry, and thereby incurred the guilt of high treason. 






Peers will be found under their family names with a reference from 
their titles ; Peeresses and foreign nobles under their titles. 

Aberdeen, 260, 274 
' Abhorrers,' name of Tories, 47 
Abingdon, Earl of, see Bertie 
Abjuration, Oath of, 107, 108 
'Abraham,' 'Plains of,' 212 
' Absalom and Achitophel,' 53 
Acadia, 143 and note, 189, 190, 

191, 193, 194.197 
Act of Security, Scottish, 254 
Act of Settlement, the, 95, 108, 

109, 252 
Act of Uniformity, 1662, 23 
Acts of Supremacy (Scottish), 

229, 236, 239, 247 
Adair, Sir Robert, 338 (note) 
Adams, Samuel, 291, 297 
Addison, Joseph, 96, 112, 115, 

Admiralty, Prince James at the, 

Africa, Dutch rivalry in, 28 
— , West coast of, 209, 224, 321 
African Company, the, 9 (note), 

Agincourt, Battle of, 127 
Ailsa Craig, 276 
Aire, 138 
Aix-la-Chapelle, Peace of, 184, 

Albemarle, Earl of, see Keppel 
Aldborough, 155 
Aleppo, 11, 19 
Alien Bills (English), 254 
Allan, River, 261 
Alleghany Mountains, 189 
Allies, subsidies to, 91 
Almanza, Battle of, 131 
Almenara, 134 
Alost, 129 

Alps, the, 99, 104 

Alsace, 124, 139, 176 

America, regicides take refuge 
in, 19 ; Dutch rivalry in, 28, 29 ; 
' Queen Anne's War ' in, 120, 
121 ; French and English 
rivalry in, 157 ; situation in 
(1754), 195 ; Braddock in, 195, 

196 ; France sending troops to, 

197 ; turn of tide in, 206, 207, 
208 ; ' shall be coerced,' 287 ; 
growth of the Thirteen Colonies, 

289 ; Stamp Act imposed on, 

290 ; disloyalty of, 290 291, 
292 ; Pitt to conciliate, 293, 
294 ; fresh agitation in, 295, 296, 

297 ; summons first Congress, 

298 ; rebellion of, 298, 299 ; 
second Congress in, 299 ; war 
begins in, 300 ; third Congress in, 
300 ; Declaration of Independ- 
ence of, 300, 301 ; many loyalists 
in, 302 ; her chances of success, 
3°3, 3°4 ', British plan of cam- 
paign in, 305 ; France will help, 
306, 307 ; Commercial Treaties 
of, with France and England, 307 
and note ; what France did for, 
308, 310 ; campaigns of 1778, 
1779, 1780, 1781 in, 309, 310 ; 
cessation of war in, 311 ; the 
Naval war off, 318 ; Inde- 
pendence to be recognized, 319 ; 
negotiations with, 320, 322 ; 
Peace with, 322 

— , British Colonies in North, 188, 

— , French Colonies in North, 189, 

190, 191 




America, Central, 104, 192 

— , — , Scottish Colony projected 
in, 250 

— , South, 104 

— , Spanish, 33 ; our first com- 
mercial privileges in, 142, 143 ; 
ceded to Philip V., 144; our 
trade with, 158 

Amherst, Jeffrey, Lord Amherst, 
207, 208, 2ii, 214, 217, 218 

Amnesty of 1660, 17, 18, 19 

Amsterdam, ii, 53, 71 

' Amsterdam,' ' New,' 28 

Amulree, 266 

' Anglicans,' see Church of Eng- 

Anjou, Duke of, see Philip V. of 

Anne, Queen, as Princess : taught 
by Compton 63 ; friend of 
Churchill, 67 ; her letters to 
Mary, 68; her absence from birth 
of Prince James, 70 ; deserts 
James, 75 ; death of her chil- 
dren, 80 ; Crown settled on, 81 ; 
her unkindness to Mary, 82, 83 ; 
her relation to the Churchills, 
95 ; death of her son, 108 ; 
courted by Prince George of 
Hanover, 49, 50, 111 

— , as Queen : 28 ; character of, 
no, in ; forbids Opera, 113 ; 
'Age of,' 114; Coronation of, 
117 ; at Thanksgiving Service, 
127 ; quarrels with Duchess 
Sarah, 130, 135, 138 ; creates 
Prince George a Peer, 131 ; her 
husband dies, 134 ; managed by 
Mrs. Hill, 135 ; rewards Sache- 
verell, 138 ; interferes with Marl- 
borough, 138 ; receives French 
agents, 140 ; in Treaty of 
Utrecht, 142, 143 ; succession to, 
145, 146, 147 ; writes to Sophia, 
145 ; illness of, 147 ; death of, 
148 ; recommends Union, 252, 
253 ; her successor in Scotland, 
2 54. 255 I en d of her reign in 
Scotland, 256 ; death of, 258, 

' Annus Mirabilis ' (Dryden), 13 
Anson, Admiral George, Lord 

Anson, 177, 184, 199 (note), 

200, 203, 204, 209, 220, 221, 

' Antediluvians,' the, 247 
Antigua, 192 

Antwerp, ii, 128, 130, 144, 

Appin, Stewarts of, 266 
Appropriation Act, 89, 93 
Aragon, 134 
Argyll, Earl of, Duke of, see 

Arisaig, 266 
Armed Neutrality (of 1780), 307 

308, and note, 314 
Army, of Cromwell, 16, 17 ; of 

Charles II., 17 ; of James II., 

61 ; increased, 62 ; Catholics in, 

62 ; at Hounslow, 69 ; discon- 
tent in, 72 ; at Salisbury, 74, 75 ; 
William III. takes command of, 
77 ; declared ' against law,' 80, 
94 ; denounced, 94, 106 ; in 
Flanders, 100, 101, 102, 103 ; 
cut down, 106 ; increased again, 
107 ; of Marlborough, 121, 122, 
123 ; neglect of, after 1714, 
150 ; influence of George I. and 
II. on, 154 ; a waxwork one, 
165 ; at Carthagena, 177 ; in 
Germany, 178 ; at Dettingen, 
179 ; in Flanders, 181 ; at Fon- 
tenoy, 182 ; at Cape Breton, 182 ; 
in Scotland, 183 ; in America, 
191 ; in Seven Years' War in 
America, 195, 196, 197, 202, 207, 
208 ; its budget, 206 ; in West- 
phalia, 202, 204, 205, 209, 215, 
216, 217 ; in America, 210-14, 
217 ; in West Indies, 221 ; in 
Portugal, size of, 219 and note ; 
the English, in 1745, 263, 267, 
268, 269, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275 ; 
George III.'s interest in, 283 ; 
jobbery in, 285 ; in American 
War, sent out, 299 ; figures of, 
301 ; chances of, 302 ; attacked 
by traitors, 302 ; campaign, plan 
of, 305 ; at Saratoga, 306 ; in 
later years of war, 309, 310 ; at 
Yorktown, 311 ; defending Gib- 
raltar, 315, 316 

Arnheim, 34 

Arnold, Benedict, 300, 303, 305, 

Arras, 138 
Arschott, 129 
Articles of War, 17 (note) 
Artillery, separate branch of 

Service, 123 
— , Highlanders' fear of, 272, 




Arundell, Henry, Lord Arundell 
of Wardour, 59 

Ashley Cooper, Anthony, first 
Earl of Shaftesbury, in ' Cabal,' 
3 1 . 3 2 > 33 I goes into opposition, 
35 ; creates Whig party, 36, 37, 

38 ; founds Green Ribbon Club, 

39 ; refuses bribe, 40 ; uses 
Popish Plot, 43 ; becomes Presi- 
dent of Council, 45 ; supports 
Monmouth, 46 ; gets up plots, 
47, 48 ; indicts James, 48, 49 ; 
urges Bill of Exclusion, 49 ; at 
Oxford, 50, 51 and note ; defeat 
and death of, 53, 54 ; typical of 
Opposition, 167 

Ashmole, Elias, 14 

' Asiento,' Treaty of, 143 

Assize, ' The Bloody,' 61 and 

Association, ' The Protestant ' 
(of 1688), 74 

' Association,' the, of 1696, 95 

Ath, 130 

Atholl, Duke of, see Murray 

Attainder, Act of, against 
1 James III.,' 108 

Atterbury, Francis, Bishop of 
Rochester, 146 

Auckland, Lord, see Eden 

Audit (of 1668), 28 

Auditor and Controller-Gen- 
eral, Office of the, 89 

Augsburg, 125 

— , League of, 60 

Augusta of Saxe Gotha, Prin- 
cess of Wales, mother of George 
III., 170, 225, 283 

' Auld Reekie ' (Edinburgh), 270 

Austria, gets Spanish Nether- 
lands, 143 ; gets Naples, Milan 
and Sardinia, 144 ; natural ally 
of England, 158 ; discontent of, 
159 ; at war with France j 159, 
165, 172, 173 ; in grave danger, 
175 ; France's attitude to, 176 ; 
Prussia attacks, 176 ; attacked 
in Italy, 177 ; England helps, 
in Germany, 178 ; helps at 
Dettingen, 180; in Flanders, 
181, 182 ; seeking French alli- 
ance, 194, 195 ; conspiring 
against Prussia, 197; her French 
Treaties, 198, 201, 204 ; beaten 
by Frederick, 205 ; beats Fre- 
derick, 208 ; defeats Frederick 
at Kunersdorf, 215 ; defeated at 

Liegnitz, 217 ; at Torgau, 217 ; 

deserted by Russia, 221 
Avignon, 262 
Axminster, 74 
Aylesbury 288 

Baden, Grand Duchy of, 120 
Bahamas, the, 192, 222 
Balcarres, Lord, see Lindsay 
Balearic Islands, 104 
Balliol College, Oxford, 50 
Balmerino, Lord, see Elphin- 

Baltic Sea, 314, 338 
Bank of England, 92, 93 and 

note, 95, 96, 249, 272, 329 

Scotland, 249 

Baptists, 65 

Barbados, 192 

Barbon (or Barebones), Nicholas, 

Barcelona, 127 
Barillon, Paul, Marquis de 

Branges, 40, 54 
Barra, Island of, 265 
' Barrier Fortresses,' 106, 137, 


— Treaty,' 143 

Barrington, Admiral Samuel, 


Barrow, Isaac, 15 

Bart, Jean, 100 

Bass Rock, the, 236 

Bavaria, Electorate of, 104, 123, 
125, 176, 178, 180, 183 

— , Joseph, Electoral Prince of 
(Baby), 104, 105 

— , Maximilian Emmanuel, Elec- 
tor of, 104, 123, 124, 125, 126, 
127, 133 

Baxter, Richard, 15 

Beachy Head, Battle of, 98 

Beaumarchais, Pierre Augustin 
Caron de, 306 

Beausejour, 197 

Beattie, James, 279 

Bedford, Earls of, Dukes of, see 

Bedloe, William, 43, 47 

Belasyse, Thomas, Lord Falcon- 
bridge, 37 

Belgium (see also Flanders), Oates 
in, 41 ; Louis XIV. swallowing, 
107 ; French and English rivalry 
in, 158 ; detached from Spain, 
1 5^> 159; in danger from France, 
!94» !95> J 98 ; unprofitable to 



Austria, 194 ; France righting 

England in, 264 
Bellasys, John, Lord Bellasys, 59 
Belleisle, 215, 219, 220, 224 
Belleisle, Charles Louis Auguste 

Fouquet, Due de, 210, 218 
Bell Tavern, Westminster, 139 
Ben Alder, 276 
Benbow, Admiral John, 73, 98 
Bennet, Henry, Earl of Arlington, 

3*i 33 

Ben Nevis, 245 

Bentinck, William, 1st Earl of 

Portland, 95 
— , — Henry Cavendish, 3rd Duke 

of Portland, 321 
Bentley, Richard, 168 
Berkeley, George, Bishop of 

Cloyne, 150 
Berlin, 180 
Bernstorff, Andreas Gottlieb 

von, 160 
Berri, Charles, Duke of, 141 
Bertie, James, 2nd Earl of Abing- 
don, 64 
Berwick, 268 
Berwick, James, Duke of, Marshal 

of France, 128, 131, 133, 146, 

163, 258, 259 
Bill of Rights, 79 80, 109 
Biscay, Bay of, 314 
' Bishop's Cheetham,' 155 
Bishops, restoration of the, 1660, 

22 and note ; advise James II., 


Bishops, the Scottish, 230, 232, 
234, 236, 240, 241, 247 ; at 
Revolution, 243 ; become Non- 
Jurors, 243 

• Bishops,' ' The Seven,' 68, 69, 70, 

Black Sea, 338 

' Black Watch,' 202 (note) 

Blair Castle, 244, 274 

Blair, Hugh, 279 

Blake, Robert, 127, 193 

Blakeney, William, afterwards 
Lord Blakeney, 200 

Blenheim, Battle of, 1 19, 121, 123, 
124, 125, 126, 127 

— , Palace of, 127 

Blood, Thomas, 12 

Bloomsbury, 112 

1 Blues,' the, 17 

Board of Trade, 290 

Bodmin, 12 

Bohemia, 175, 178, 181, 202, 204 

Bombay, dowry of Queen Kathar- 
ine, 9, 26 

Bonn, 124 

BonshaW, James Irving of, 235 

Booth, Henry, 2nd Lord Dela- 
mere, 1st Earl of Warrington, 

61, 75 
Boscawen, Admiral Edward, 184, 

195, 207, 215 
Boston (America), 191, 289, 290, 

292, 295, 297, 299, 300, 301, 307 
Bothmar, John Caspar, Count 

von, 146, 160 


Boufflers, Louis Francois, Due 

de, Marshal, 101, 123, 133 
Bougainville, Louis Antoine de, 

Bouille, Francois Claude Amour, 

Marquis de, Marshal, 317 
'Bounty,' 'Queen Anne's,' 111 
Bourbon, the House of, 168, 173, 

175; solidarity of, 219, 220; 

again united, 307 
— , Spanish Branch of House of, 

Bourlamaque, Le Chevalier de, 

211, 217 
Boyd, William, 4th Earl of Kil- 
marnock, 184, 269, 277 
Brabant, Estates of , 130 
— , Philip V. recognized as Duke 

of, 118 
Braddock, General Edward, 195, 

Bradstreet, Colonel John, 208, 

217, 302 
Braemar, 260 
Brandenburg, Frederick William, 

Elector of, 71 
Brandywine, River, 305 
Brazil, 9, 104, 192 
Breadalbane, Earl of, see Camp- 
Breda, 232 
— , Declaration of, 18 
Brest, 98, 103, 207, 209, 210 

(note), 215, 216, 219, 221, 264, 

306, 318 (note) 
Bridgman, Sir Orlando, 31 
Bridgwater, 61 
Brihuega, 134 
Bristol, trade of, 17th cent, 11, 

307 (note), 333 
' Britannia,' the, 72 
Britannia, see Diva 



Brixham, 73 

Broglie, Francois Marie, Due de, 

Marshal, 178 
Brown, John, 240 
Browne, Sir Thomas, 115 
Bruges, ii, 132, 133 
Brussels, 45, 101, 123, 124, 129, 

132, 133 
Buchanan, George, 14 
Buckingham, Duke of, see Villiers 
Buckingham House, 284 
Budget, origin of the, 89 
' Buffs,' the, 40 (note) 
' Bull,' ' John,' his habits, 259 
Bunhii.l Fields, 13 
Bunker's Hill, 300 
Bunyan, John, 15, 25 


Burgoyne, Sir John, 299, 302, 
305, 306 

Burgundy, Louis, Duke of, 141 

' Burke,' Betty, 276 

Burke, Edmund, 137 (note), 156 ; 
on George II. 's reign, 225 and 
note; protege of Rockingham, on 
Colonies, 294 ; leads Opposition, 
296, 302 ; his oratory, 303, 312 ; 
in office (1782), 319 ; on Sine- 
cures, 320 ; cries for Economic 
Reform, 323 ; a ' nominee,' 
against Reform, 332 ; a bad 
advocate, 333 

Burnet, Gilbert, Bishop of Salis- 
bury, 52, 74 

Burns, Robert, 249, 280 

Busby, Dr. Richard, 65 

' Bushell's Case,' 16 

Bute, County of, 332 

— , Earl of, see Stuart 

Butler, James, 12th Earl of, 1st 
Duke of Ormond, 12, 25, 72 

— , — , 2nd Duke of Ormond, 139, 
141, 145, 258, 259 

— , Joseph, Bishop of Durham, 150 

— , Samuel, 13 

Byng, Admiral George, Viscount 
Torrington, 163, 256 

— , Admiral John, 200 

' Cabal,' the, 31, 32, see also 

Cabinet, origin of the, 25, 31 ; 

James II. 's first, 58 ; growth of 

the, 1714, 153, 154 ; Walpole's 
• mastery of the, 164, 170; 

intrigues against Walpole, 174 ; 

recklessness of elder Pitt in 

the, 219 ; Pitt's strength and 

weakness in, 327 ; does not 

always share Pitt's views, 335, 

Cadiz, 84, 127, 220 
Cadogan, William, afterwards 1st 

Earl Cadogan, 119, 122, 261 
Cadzant, 33 
Calais, 114 

Calendar, The New, 185 and note 
Calvinism (in Scotland), 228, 279 
Cambrai, 138 
Cambridge, 326 
— , University of, 64, 65 
Cambridge, Duke of, title of 

Prince George, afterwards 

George II., 145 
Camden, 309 
Camden, Earl, see Pratt 
Cameron, family of, 231, 260, 266, 

— of Lochiel, Donald, 266, 268, 

— , Richard, 234, 238 
' Cameronians,' 238, 240, 249 ; 

regiment of, 244, 248 
Campbell, Archibald, 8th Earl of 

Argyll, 229, 234, 239, 246 
— , — 9th Earl of Argyll, 54, 60, 

239, 241 
— , John, 2nd Duke of Argyll, and 

Duke of Greenwich, 136, 147, 

253, 257, 259, 260, 261 
— , — , 1st Earl of Breadalbane, 

— , — , 4th Earl of Loudoun, 206, 


— , family of, 231, 239, 241, 274 
(note), 275 (note) 

Canada (French), 189 ; slow 
growth of, 190 ; outworks of, 
191 ; La Galissoniere in, 193, 
194 ; reinforcements sent to, 
195. I 97 ', on the defensive, 207, 

— , Pitt plans conquest of, 210 ; 
campaign of 1759 in, 211, 212, 
213, 214 ; final conquest of, 217, 
218 ; ceded to Britain, 224 ; 
Scottish emigration to, 281 ; 
Americans urge to revolt, 298 ; 
open to Colonists, 289 ; boun- 
daries of, in dispute, 297 and 
note ; Americans repulsed from, 
300 ; our base of attack, 305 

Canning, George, against Reform, 
a ' nominee,' 332 



CanoncxAte, 255 

Canvassing, denounced (1722), 

Cape Breton, 185, 189, 191, 193 
Cape Horn, 192, 296 
Cape St. ViNCENT.Rodney's battle 

off, 315 
Capel, Arthur, Earl of Essex, 

37. 45. 53. 54 
Cap Rouge, 211, 212, 213 
Carfax, Oxford, 50 
Cargill, Donald, 234, 235 
Carleton, Guy, 1st Lord Dor- 
chester, 300 
Carlisle, 271, 273, 277 
Carlisle, Earl of, see Howard 
Carlyle, Alexander, 279 
Carolina, North and South, 188, 


Caroline, Queen of George II., 
150, 153, 163, 166, 167, 169, 170, 

Carpenter, General George, Lord 
Carpenter, 261 

Carron, 280 

Carronades, 280 

Carstairs, William, 240, 246, 253 

Carteret, John, Lord Carteret, 
afterwards Earl Granville, 151, 
154 ; refuses to cede Gibraltar, 
163 ; his hands clean, 163 ; in 
Ireland, 164 ; his character and 
policy, 167, 168, 169 ; George 
II. consults, 170; takes office 
(1742), 177 ; his German policy, 
178, 180 ; fall of, 181 ; his real 
aims, 182 ; his last attempt at 
a Ministry, 183 ; becomes Pre- 
sident of Council, 185 ; 199, 
201, 203, 204, 219, 220, 224 

Carthagena, 207 

— (Nueva), 177, 

Cassel, 223 

Castile, 127 

Castlemaine, Earl of, see Palmer 

— , Lady, 30 

Castlereagh, Viscount ; see Ste- 

Catalans, 143 

Catalonia, 127, 134, 139, 143 

Catholics, under Charles II., 33 
sqq. ; under James II., 57, 59, 
62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 72, 75 ; first 
Relief Bill for, 297, 312 ; second 
Relief Bill for, 337 

— , the Irish, justice denied to, 287 

— , the Scottish, 228, 240, 241 

Cavalry, Marlborough's use of, 
122, 123 

Cavendish, William, 4th Earl, 1st 
Duke of Devonshire, 62, 70, 83 

— , — , 4th Duke of Devonshire, 
200, 202 

— , family of, 286 

Cecil, James, 3rd Earl of Salis- 
bury, 37 

Champlain, Lake (see also ' Little 
Lakes '), 211 

Chancellor of Exchequer, 
office of, 89 

Charlotte, Queen of George III., 

28 4» 33 6 » 

Charleroi, 102, 130 

Charles I., 57, 235, 248 

Charles II., character of, 4, 5 ; 
his attitude to France and 
Holland, 6 ; re-enacts Naviga- 
tion Acts, 12 ; feeds ducks, 13 ; 
rewards Ken, 15 ; issues Articles 
of War, 17 (note) ; revenue of, 
20, 21 ; inclined to toleration, 
22, 24 ; attitude to Dutch War, 
1665, 28 and note ; concludes 
peace, 1667, 30 ; throws over 
Clarendon, 30 ; gets money from 
France, 32 ; suspends interest on 
Debt, 32 ; concludes Treaty of 
Dover, 32 ; deceives Louis XIV., 
34» 39 \ issues Declaration of 
Indulgence, 35 ; political skill 
of, 38, 44, 52 ; marries Mary to 
William, 39 ; his relations with 
Louis XIV., 40, 41, 55 ; warned 
against Jesuits, 42, 43 ; dissolves 
Parliament, 44 ; turns to the 
Opposition, 45 ; his offers to 
Parliament, 46 ; refuses to recog- 
nize Monmouth as heir, 46, 47, 
49, 51 ; sacrifices Catholics, 47, 

48 ; calls Parliament at Oxford, 

49 ; dissolves it, 51 ; foresight of, 
52 ; prosecutes Whigs, 53 ; plot 
against, 54 ; last years and death 
of, 55 ; Members of his Parlia- 
ments recalled, 77 ; the ' bud- 
gets ' of, 89 ; his Restoration in 
Scotland, 227 ; listens to Lauder- 
dale, 228 ; Scottish loyalty, to, 
231 ; his toleration, 233 ; ex- 
communicated by fanatics, 238 ; 
238 ; would have pardoned 
Argyll, 239 ; his scheme for a 
Union, 248 

Charles, Archduke of Austria, 



called ' Charles III. of Spain,' 
105, 118, 120, 127, 128, 130, 131, 
141 ; becomes Charles VI., Em- 
peror (q.v.), 141 

Charles II., King of Spain, 33, 
40, 98, 105 

Charles III., King of Spain, 218, 

Charles V., Emperor, 141 

Charles VI., Emperor, his dis- 
content after Utrecht, 158, 159; 
death of, 175, 176 

Charles VII., Emperor, 176 and 
note ; death of, 183 

Charles XII., King of Sweden, 
258, 262, 263 

Charles Edward, Prince, 180 ; 
early years of, 263, 264 ; starts 
North from Rome, embarks at 
Dunkirk, 264 ; starts from 
Nantes, lands in Western Isles, 
265 ; raises Royal Standard, 
266 ; pushes on South, 267 ; 
enters Edinburgh, wins Preston- 
pans, 268 ; at Holyrood, 269 ; 
his difficulties, 270 ; starts for 
England, 271 ; at Derby, 272 ; 
retreat of, 273 ; wins Falkirk, 
retreats to Highlands, 274 ; at 
Culloden, 275 ; his wanderings, 
276 ; his old age, 277 

Charleston, 309 

Charlotte, Queen of George III., 

Chatham, 30, 67 

Chatham, Earl of, see Pitt 

Cheapside, 161 

Cherbourg, 209 

Chesapeake Bay, 318 

Cheshire, 61, 75 78 

Child, Sir Josiah, 10 

China, 190 r 

Choiseul, Etienne Francois, Due 
de, 210, 216, 219, 223, 226, 292, 
295, 296, 313 

Christ Church, Oxford, 50, 64 

Christian V., King of Denmark, 

Christie, William Dougal, Au- 
thor of ' Life of Lord Shaftes- 
bury,' 51 (note) 

Churchill, John, Duke of Marl- 
borough, at Sedgemoor, 61 ; 
friend of Anne, 67, 1 1 1 ; dis- 
loyalty of, 72; deserts James, 75; 
educates Duke of Gloucester, 81 ; 
Mary distrusts, 83 ; William paves 

way for, 66 ; his possible treason, 
96, 99, 1 03 and note ; in Tower, 99 ; 
' Vindication of,' 116 ; character 
of, 117, 118 ; love for his soldiers, 
118; supported by Eugene, 
118 ; Allies' jealousy of, 119, 
120 ; ' makes armies,' 120 ; 
serenity of, 122 ; his campaigns 
of 1702, 1703, 123 ; his campaign 
of Blenheim, 124, 125, 126 ; 
builds Blenheim Palace, 127 ; 
forces Villeroy's lines, 1705, 128 ; 
his campaign of 1705, 1706, 129, 
130 ; watching events in Medi- 
terranean, 130 ; waiting at 
Lou vain, 131 ; his campaign of 
1708, 132, 133 ; his power 
slipping away, 134, 135, 138 ; 
goes to Hague, 135 ; his cam- 
paign of 1709, 135, 136 ; protests 
against Sacheverell's impeach- 
ment, 137 ; Queen interferes 
with him, 138 ; deceived by 
Ministers, 140 ; at the Hague 
(1711), 141 ; dismissed, 141 ; 
end of, 142; his lessons forgotten, 
150 ; Carteret inherits policy of, 
167; hangs contractors, 178; his 
teaching of musketry, 179 ; 
effect on Scotland of his 
victories, 254 ; his successor, 


Church of England, restoration 
of, 4, 7, 21, 22, 23 ; intolerance 
of, 23, 24 ; in danger under 
James II., 56, 57, 59 ; loyalty of, 
59, 60 ; its loyalty strained, 63, 
64, 65 ; popular, 69, 71 ; will 
make concessions, 71 ; James 
makes concessions to, 73 ; 
under William III., 83, 87 ; 
under Queen Anne, m, 112 ; 
fever of, 119; 'in danger' 
(1706), 131, 135, 138 ; power of, 
140 ; intolerance of, 131, 140 ; 
hesitating on Succession ques- 
tion, 146 ; change in, after 1714, 
149, 150 ; political jobbery in, 

Church of Scotland, the Episco- 
pal, restoration of, 228, 229, 
230 ; character of, 230 ; in bad 
hands, 231, 232 ; ministers re- 
fuse conformity to, 232, 236 ; at 
the Revolution, becomes Non- 
Juror, 243 ; Scotland would have 
preferred, 244 ; its ministers 



' outed,' 247 ;" no toleration 

for, 252, 253 ; toleration for, 

256 ; fierce Act against, 262 ; 

proscribed after 1745, 278 
Cibber, Colley, 153 
'City,' the (influence of London), 

157, 170, 174 ; providing for 

Army, 271 (note) ; hostile to 

North, 296 
Civil List (of William III.), 88 ; 

of George II., 167 ; of George 

III., 285 
Civil Service, jobbery in, 285 
' Claim of Right,' 243 
Clarendon, Earls of, see Hyde. 
Claverhouse, see Graham 
Cleland, Colonel William, 244 
Clementina, Queen of James III., 

Clifford, Sir Thomas, 1st Lord 

Clifford of Chudleigh, 31, 32, 33 

Clifton, skirmish of, 273 
Clinton, Sir Henry, 299, 302, 309, 

310, 311 
Clive, Robert, Lord Clive, 209 
Clue, Admiral de la, 215 
Clyde, River, 241, 280 
Coaches, 'flying,' 12, 114 
Coalition, Ministry of the, 321, 

323, 324, 325, 336 
Cobham, family of Lord, 169, 


Coblentz, 124 

' Cock o' the North,' 266 

Coinage, renewed in William III.'s 
reign, 90 ; fluctuation of, 93 
and note, 96 

Colbert, Jean Baptiste, Marquis 
de Seignelay, 189 

Coldstream Guards, 17 

Coleman, Edward, 41 

Collieries, 114 

Colonies (see also America), Com- 
mittee for the, 8 ; restrictions 
on trade of, 171, 188, 189 

— , ' The Thirteen,' 189 

— , Glasgow trade with the, 256 

— (our North American), growth 
of the Thirteen, 289 

— , Secretary of State for the, 290 
and note 

Commission, The Ecclesiastical, 
63, 64, 72 ; declared illegal, 79 

Commissioners for Union (Scot- 
tish), 254 

Common Law, restoration of Rule 

of, 3 ; Hale's contributions to, 

15 ; on liability of soldiers, 94; 

291, 300, 301 

Companies, Joint Stock, 9, 10 

Comprehension Bill, failure of, 87 

Compton, Edward, Bishop of 

London, 62, 63, 70, 73, 111 
— , Sir Spencer, 1st Lord Wilming- 
ton, 166, 167, 177 
'Conduct of Allies,' the, 116, 

Congress, the first American, 

298 ; the Second, 299 ; the Third, 

300, 303, 305, 306, 311, 322 
Congreve, William, 96 
Conflans, Hubert de Brienne, 

Comte de, 215, 216 
Coote, Sir Eyre, 217 
Constantinople, 338 
Constitution, Burke defends the, 

Conti, Francois Louis, Prince de, 

' Contract,' ' The Original,' 79 
Conventicle Act, 24, 25 
Conventicles, the Scottish, 235, 

236, 237, 241 
Convention of 1660, 16, 21 

— of 1689, 77, 78, 79 ; becomes a 
Parliament, 79, 80 ; 301 

— , the Scottish (of 1689), 242, 243 

— of 1739 (El Pardo), 173 

' Conventions of the Constitu- 
tion,' 324 and note, 325 
Convocation, 112 
Conway, Henry Seymour, Mar- 
shal, 293, 319 
Cook, Captain James, 100, 211 
Cope, Sir John, 267, 268 
Corn, price of (Anne's reign), 112 

— Law of 1689, 8 
Cornwallis, Admiral Sir William, 

318 (note) 
— , Charles, 1st Marquis Corn- 
wallis, 302, 309, 310, 311, 318 
' Corporate,' ' Christopher,' 331 
Corporation Act, 1661, 23 
Corporations, the Municipal, to 
be remodelled, 66; to be 
restored, 72 


Corsica, 295 

Corunna, 114 

Cosin, Bishop John, 22 

' Country Party,' the, 36 

Court Almanac, the, 168 

Courts of Regality, 277 



COURTENAY, John, 303 

' Covenant,' the Scottish, of 1638, 

228, 229, 232, 233, 235, 237, 239, 
247, 248, 279 

Covenanters, the Scottish, 47, 

229, 230 ; refuse conformity, 
232, 236 ; ' Martyrs,' 233, 240 ; 
insurrections of, 233, 234, 236, 
237, 238, 239, 240 

Covent Garden, 13 

Coventry, Henry, Secretary of 
State, 38 

— , Sir William, 36 

' Coventry Island,' 155 

Cowpens, 309 

' Craftsman,' ' The,' 167 

Crail, 232 

Cranborne, 51 (note) 

Craufurd, John Walkinshaw, 

Crefeld, 209, 214 

Crewe, Nathaniel, 3rd Lord Crewe, 
Bishop of Durham, 63 

Crewkerne, 74 

Cricket, 113 

Crime, absence of, in Scotland, 
279, 280 

Crofts, James, Duke of Mon- 
mouth, 46, 47, 49, 51, 52, 53, 54, 
55 ; insurrection of, 60, 61 
and note, 62, 237, 241 

Cromwell, Oliver, his Army re- 
membered, 94 

Crown Lands, 19, 21 

Crownpoint, 211 

Cuba, 192, 221, 222 

Culloden, Battle of, 184, 273, 

274. 275 

Cumberland, Duke of, see Wil- 

Currency, the Scottish, 251 and 

Customs Consolidation Act, 329 

Cutts, John, Lord Cutts, 101, 102, 

'Daily Courant,' 114 

Dalrymple, Sir James, 1st Vis- 
count Stair, 239, 245 

— , Sir John, 1st Earl of Stair, 242, 
245. 246 

— , John, 2nd Earl of Stair, 178 

— , family of, 231, 239, 245 
Dalyell, Thomas, 235, 236 
Dampier, William, 100 
Danby, Earl of, see Osborne 

Dangerfield, Thomas, 43 

Danube, River, 124, 125, 178 

Darby, Admiral George, 316 

Darien, 249, 250, 254 

Dartmouth, Earl of, see Legge 

Dauphin, see Louis, Dauphin 

Deane, Private (of the Guards), 
his journal, 121, 132, 133 

— , Silas, 306 

— , Sir Anthony, 29 

' Deans,' ' Jeanie,' 166, 253 

Declaration of Indulgence (of 
1687), 65, 66 ; (of 1688), 68, 69 

Declarations of Indulgence, 
the Scottish, 230, 232, 233, 236, 

Declaration of Right, 79 

Declaration of William of 
Orange, 73 

' Declaratory Act,' 293 

Defoe, Daniel, on Charles II., 5 
(note); 115, 116, 153 

Deists, the, 150 

Delamere, Lord, see Booth 

Delaware, 188 

— River, 310 

Demosthenes, 168, 181 

Denain, Battle of, 142 

Dendermond, 130 

Denmark, joins Grand Alliance, 98 

Deptford, 12 

Derby, 184, 272, 274 

Derbyshire, 75 

Derwentwater, Earl of, see 

Dettingen, Battle of, 179, 180, 
182, 196, 315 

Devonshire, 25, 61 

Devonshire, Earl of, Duke of, 
see Cavendish 

Dicey, Professor A. V., 312 (note) 

Dispensing Power, the, 24, 62, 
63 ; declared illegal, 80 

Dissenters, position of, 1660, 22, 
23, 24, 25 ; refuse to be cajoled, 
35 ; James' offers to the, 65 ; 
to be caressed, 66 ; the Church 
will conciliate, 7 1 ; under Tolera- 
tion Act, 87 ; Churchmen hate, 
112 ; position of, under Anne, 
I 3 I » x 35» I 37» I 4°» J 46 ; riches 
of, 147 ; propose to exterminate 
Red Indians, 190 ; Relief Bill 
(1779), 297 

' Diva Britannia,' 3, 156 

' Dogs,' Parable of the, 158, 159 

Dominica, 192, 219, 317, 318, 321 



donauworth, 125 

doncaster, 272 

Dorking, 225 

Dorsetshire, 60, 61 

Douay, 135, 138 

Douglas, James, 2nd Duke of 

Queensberry, 242, 253, 255 
, 4th Duke of Hamilton, 


— , William, 3rd Duke of Hamil- 
ton, 242 

Dover, Secret Treaty of, 32, 

Dover, Lord, see Jermyn 
Downs, the, Dartmouth's fleet in, 

Dragoons, the English, at Pres- 

tonpans, 268 ; at Falkirk, 274 
Drake, Francis, 173, 193 
Dresden, 201 
Drummond, James, Earl of Perth, 

240, 242 
— , — , 2nd (titular) Duke of 

Perth, 267, 269, 275 
— , family of, 273 
Drury Lane Theatre, 112 
Dryden, John, 13, 53, 58, 114, 

Duff, Captain Robert, 215, 216 
Dugdale, Sir William, 14 
Dumfries, 236 
Dunbar, 268 
Dunblane, 267 
Dundas of Arniston, Henry, 

afterwards Lord Melville, 320 ; 

his style of speaking, 327 ; draws 

the India Bill, 330 ; supports 

Reform, 335 
Dundee, Viscount, see Graham 
Dungeness, 264 


Dunkirk, 17, 26, 31, 143, 224, 

256, 264, 265, 321 
Dunning, John, afterwards 1st 

Lord Ashburton, 312, 319 
Duquesne, Le Marquis Duquesne 

de Meneval, Governor of Canada, 

Duras, Louis, Earl of Feversham, 

61, 72 
Dutch {see also Holland), troops 

with William III., 74 ; Guards 

dismissed, 106 ; in British 

Colonies, 189 
Dykvelt, Everard van Weede 

van, 66 
Dyle, River, 129 

East India Company, the, 9 ; 
hostile to North, 296 ; sends Tea 
to America, 297 

(Scottish), 249, 254 

East Indies, French and English 
rivalry in, 158 ; in Seven Years' 
War, 217; Scottish Trade with, 
280 ; France late in attacking 
(1781), 308 ; British fleet sent to 
(1781), North's troubles in, 311 ; 
Rockingham's troubles in, 319, 
320; the War of 1781-3 in, 313 

' Eatanswill," 155, 156 

Ebro, River, 131 

Economic Reform, Whigs cry 
for, 311, 320 ; Whigs shirk, 323 ; 
Pitt carries through, 328, 329 

Eddystone Lighthouse, 124 

Eden, William, 1st Lord Auck- 
land, 330 

Edinburgh, Advocates' Library 
in, 234 ; threatened by insur- 
gents, 237 ; James well received 
in, 238, 240 ; executions at, 240 ; 
sympathy for Renwick in, 241 ; 
Convention meets at, 242 ; 
William and Mary proclaimed 
at, 243 ; Highlanders come to, 
253 ; fierceness of mob of, 254, 
255 ; Union unpopular in, 256 ; 
Argyll defends, 260 ; Charles 
Edward at, 268, 269, 270 ; 
Whigs rcoccupy, 273 ; peaceable 
state of, 280 

Education, Scottish, 248, 279 

Edward L, 87 

Edward III., 198 

Edward VII. , 88, 338 

Egremont, Earl of, see Wynd- 
r ham 

Eguilles, Alexandre Jean Bap- 
tiste de Boyer, Marquis d', 269 

Elcho, Lord, see Wemyss 

Eliot, Sir John, 31, 35, 36 

Eliott of Stobs, George, 1st 
Lord Heathfield, 315, 316 

Elizabeth, Czarina of Russia, 221 

— , Queen, Accession Day of, 48 ; 
Germans on her throne, 108 

— , ' Queen of Bohemia,' 108 

— (Farnese), Queen of Spain, 

Elphinstone, Arthur, 6th Lord 

Balmerino, 184, 269, 277 
Emden, 206 
Ems, River, 206 
Engineers, at Blenheim, 123 



Episcopacy (Scottish), see Church 
of Scotland 

Equity, Systematized, 15 

Erastianism, 230, 236, 243, 244 

Eriska, Island of, 265 

Ernest Augustus, Elector of 
Hanover, 99 

Erskine, Dr. John, 279 

— , John, 6th Earl of Mar, 145, 
260, 261, 262 

— , Thomas, afterwards Lord Ers- 
kine, 335 

Esk, River, 273 

Essex, Earl of, see Capel 

Estaing, Charles Hector, Comte 
d\ ^309, 3M. 3i6, 317 

Estrees, Jean d', Admiral, 34 

Etherege, Sir George, 13 

Eugene, Francis, Prince of Savoy - 
Carignan, his hatred of Louis 
XIV., 119, 120 ; Hanover 
jealous of, 120 ; in Italy, 120 ; 
on our Cavalry, 122 ; consults 
with Marlborough, 124 ; at 
Stollhofen, 125 ; at Blenheim, 
126 ; in Italy, 130 ; at Malpla- 
quet, 136 ; visits England, 141 ; 
beaten at Denain, 142 

' Europa,' ' Dame,' 159 

Evelyn, John, 14 

1 Examiner,' the, 139 

Excise, 20 ; Walpole's scheme of, 
171, 172 ; English law of, Scot- 
land resists, 264 ; Pitt carries 
motion for, 329 

Exclusion Bill, the, 46, 49, 51, 
58. 67, 238 

Exe, River, 74 

Exeter, 74 

Fairfax, Thomas, 5th Lord Fair- 
fax, 114 

' Fairservice,' ' Andrew,' 255 

Falconbridge, Lord, see Belasyse 

Falkirk, Battle of, 183, 273, 274 

Falkland Isles, 296 

' Family Compacts,' 173, 193, 220 

Ferdinand, Prince of Brunswick, 
208, 209, 214, 215, 216, 217, 219 
(note), 221, 223, 225 

Ferdinand VI., King of Spain, 

Ferguson, Robert, 54 

Feversham, 76 

Feversham, Earl of, see Duras 

Fielding, Henry, 153 

Fife, 260 

' Fifteen,' The (Insurrection of 
1715), 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, 
263, 267 

Finch, Daniel, 2nd Earl of Not- 
tingham, 67, 70, 75, 78, 96, 119 

— , Sir Heneage, 1st Earl of 
Nottingham, 15 

Fitzroy, Augustus Henry, 3rd 
Duke of Grafton, 293, 295, 296, 

' Five Mile Act,' 1665, 24 

Flanders, aggression of Louis 
XIV. on, 39 ; William goes to, 
97 ; army going to, 99 ; cam- 
paign in, 100-3 I character of, 
100, 101 ; Louis dominates, 
106 ; Barrier fortresses in, 106 ; 
Philip V. recognized as Count of, 
118; campaigns in, 120, 121, 
123, 124, 128 ; nearly clear of 
French, 1706, 130; in danger 
again, 1707, 131 ; ceded to 
Austria, 143 ; her commerce 
ruined, 144 ; English troops to 
(1743), 178 ; Marshal Saxe in, 
181 ; campaign of 1745 in, 182, 
184 ; William III. fighting in, 
245, 250 ; Louis XIV.'s wars in, 
264 ; troops brought from, 269 

— (French), English troops in, 

x 30> 133. 135, 136 
Fletcher, Andrew, of Saltoun, 

253. 254 
Fleury, Andre Hercule, Cardinal 

de, 158, 165, 173, 176 
Flint, Captain, 193 
Florence, Charles Edward at, 

Florida, 189, 224, 315, 321 
— , Gulf of, 192, 
Fontenoy, Battle of, 182, 265 
Forbes, Alexander, 4th Lord 

Pitsligo, 269, 302 
— , Brigadier John, 208 
Foreland, the North, 29 
Forster, Thomas, 260, 261 
Fort Augustus, 266, 267, 274 

— Duquesne, 194, 196, 207, 208 

— Frontenac, 197, 208 

— St. Philip, 200 

— William, 245, 246, 274 

— William Henry, 206 
Fortescue, J. W., ' History of 

British Army,' 85, 205,-218 
Forth, River, 260, 267, 274, 280 
' Forty-five,' The (Insurrection 

of 1745), 266-77 



Fox, Charles James, on Lord 
North's speeches, 296 ; spouting 
treason, 303, 308 ; in office, 319, 
320 ; resigns, 320 ; in the Coali- 
tion, 321 ; neglects economic 
reform, 323 ; dismissed, 324 ; 
his followers defeated, 325 ; 
King's hatred for, 327 ; de- 
nounces Commercial Treaty, 329 
(note), trying to 'pull down the 
House,' 335 ; corrupts Prince of 
Wales, 336 ; at Regency Crisis, 
336, 337 ; intrigues with Russia, 
338 (note) 

— , Henry, afterwards 1st Lord 
Holland, 194, 200, 204, 223, 286, 


' Foxhall,' see Vauxhall 
France, trade rivalry with, 11 ; 
joins Dutch (1666), 29, 30 ; 
Clarendon's exile in, 31 ; 
Charles II. allied with, 32 ; 
joins England against Dutch 
(1672), 33, 34 ; not allied with 
England, 1688, 68 ; dread of, 
78 ; William's Coalition against, 
86, 98, 107 ; tariff against, 90 ; 
war with, 97 ; fleets of, 98 ; 
gallantry of, 99 ; prepares in- 
vasion, 99 ; her armies in 
Flanders, 101, 102, 103 ; peace 
(1697) with, 103 ; exhausted, 
103 ; never to be united with 
Spain, 105 ; rejection of Com- 
mercial Treaty with, 144, 145 ; 
British rivalry with (eighteenth 
century), 157 ; temporary al- 
liance with, 158 ; a ' dogmaster ' 
I 5^> 159, 160 ; her war with 
Austria (1733) 159 ; Stanhope's 
Treaty with, 161 ; her little war 
with Spain, 163 ; Fleury's weak 
government of, 165 ; her war 
with Austria (1733), 165, 172 ; 
Carteret's hostility to, 168 ; 
certain to aid Spain, 173 ; her 
attitude to Austria, 176 ; con- 
cludes Treaty with Prussia, 176 ; 
attacks Austria (1741), 177 ; not 
' at war ' with England, 178 ; 
beaten at Dettingen, 179 ; fights 
England off Toulon, 180 ; pro- 
jects invasion, 181 ; her hands 
to be. tied, 182 ; takes Madras, 
loses Louisburg, 182 ; beaten at 
sea, 184 ; concludes Peace of 
Aix, 185; her American Colonies, 

189, 190, 191 ; intelligent in 
colonizing, 193 ; jealous of Spain, 
193 ; Austria approaching, 194, 
195 ; involved on the Continent, 
197, 201 ; makes Treaty with 
Austria (1756), 198 ; takes 
Minorca, 200 ; sends army over 
Rhine, 201 ; makes second 
Treaty with Austria (1757), 204; 
Pitt's strategy against, 205 ; 
defending Canada, 207 208 ; 
her coasts harried, 209 ; her 
privateers, 209 ; her Navy, her 
designs on Neutrals, 210 ; her 
plans of invasion, 214, 215 ; 
beaten at sea, 215, 216 ; her loss 
of Canada, 218 ; her alliance 
with Spain, 219, 220 ; her 
designs in 1761, 221 ; concludes 
Peace of Paris, 224 ; her gallant 
Navy, 225, 226 ; Scotland cut 
off from, 227, 228 ; the Alliance 
of Scotland with her is not dead, 
252 ; helps Jacobites, 256 ; not 
unfavourable to James III., 
258 ; supplies expected from, 
260 ; allied with England, 262 ; 
will help Charles Edward, 264 ; 
her aid necessary, 266 ; sends 
an agent, 269 ; will not risk 
troops, 270 ; last war with ' Old,' 
287 ; first war with ' New,' 287 ; 
her Treaty with America, 291, 
306 ; watching England, 292, 
294 ; watching events, 292, 295, 
304, 306 ; Chatham's schemes 
against, 293, 304 ; Chatham's 
hostility to, 294, 304, 308; 
favours America, 306; concludes 
Treaty with America, 307 and 
note ; stirs up Coalition, 307 ; her 
Navy during the war, 308, 309, 
310, 311, 313, 314, 315, 316, 
317, 318, 319; negotiations for 
peace with, 320 ; peace with, 
321 ; Pitt's Commercial Treaty 
with, 329 and note, 337 ; inter- 
course with, 337, 338 ; will not 
support Spain in Vancouver, 
Franchise, 334 and note 
Francis I., Emperor (see also 
Lorraine, Francis Stephen, Duke 
of), 183 
Francis Stephen, Duke of 
Lorraine, afterwards Emperor 
Francis I., 175 



Franklin, Benjamin, 291, 292, 
306, 320, 322 

Fraser, Clan of, 260, 269, 273 

Fraser, Simon, Lord Lovat, 260, 
270, 273, 277 

' Fraser's Regiment,' 202 (note) 

Frederick I., King of Prussia, 98 

Frederick the Great, King of. 
Prussia, 167 ; not a gentleman, 
seizes Silesia, 176 ; concludes 
peace (1742), 177 ; ' the wicked 
man,' 180 ; seizes Bohemia, 181 ; 
makes peace (1745), 182, 183 ; 
Russia will attack, 194 ; guar- 
antees Hanover, 197 ; concludes 
Convention of Westminster, 
197, 198; Pitt relies on, 201,202; 
his victories in Seven Years' 
War, 204, 205, 208 ; subsidized 
by England, 206 ; Newcastle 
wishes to desert, 209 ; beaten 
at Kunersdorf, 215 ; Pitt clings 
to, 216, 217 ; wins Liegnitz, 217 ; 
in danger again, 221 ; Bute 
wishes to desert, 223 ; at end 
of war, 223 ; refuses alliance, 

Frederick, Prince of Wales, 
169, 170, 186 

Free Trade, Pitt's measures 
towards, 329, 330 

French Revolution, 92 ; its 
poison, 157; 249, 284 (note), 
287, 326 ; its effect on reforming 
measures, 330 (note), 335 

Frew, fords of, 267 

Frontenac, Louis de Buade, 
Comte de, 189, 190 

' Funds,' rise and fall of the, 92, 
106, 329 

Gaelic language, 265 
Gage, General Thomas, 299 
Galloway, 233, 235, 237, 238, 

242, 260 
Galway, Earl of, see Ruvigny 
' Gandercleuch,' 281 
Gates, General Horatio, 303, 305, 


Gatton, 331 

George I., as Electoral Prince: 
49, 50, in ; as Elector of 
Hanover, in Marlborough's wars, 
120; Occasional Conformity Act 
repealed, 131, 140 ; becomes 
Parliamentary heir, 145 ; his 
preparations for succession, 146, 

148 ; as King, character of, 151, 
152 ; sides with France against 
Spain, 141, 163 ; does not trust 
Marlborough, 142, 259 ; wants 
to fight Russia, 162 ; his 
mistresses gamble, 163 ; and 
job commissions, 165 ; death 
of, 166 ; not in a hurry, 258 ; 
sends troops to Oxford, 259 ; 
Lovat declares for, 260 

George II., as Electoral Prince : 
created a Peer, 131 ; at Ouden- 
arde, 133 ; to be sent for, 145 ; 
as Prince of Wales : character of, 
1 5 2 > J 53> love for Hanover, 160; 
gambling in South Sea Stock, 
163 ; wants to support Austria, 
165; as King, 166; Walpole con- 
ciliates, 167; hates his son, 169; 
dying to go to war, 172; goes 
to Hanover, 174; wishes to sup- 
port Maria Theresa, 176 ; hates 
Frederick the Geat, 176 ; in a 
fever, 177 ; leads his army, 
178 ; wins Dettingen, 179, 180 ; 
unpopularity of, 180 ; yields to 
Pelham, 181 ; not so foolish as 
Pelham, 182 ; indifference of 
nation to, 183 ; hates Pitt, 194, 
201 ; hated by Frederick of 
Prussia, 197 ; clings to idea of 
neutrality for Hanover, 202 ; 
muzzled, likes his muzzle, 203 ; 
authorizes a Convention, dis- 
avows it, 205 ; keen to take 
Canada, 210 ; on Wolfe, 214 ; 
death of, 218 ; Wade reports to, 
263 ; calls the ' Forty-five ' ' an 
unnatural rebellion,' 267 ; in- 
difference of England to, 271, 
273 ; offers bounty for recruits, 
packs portmanteau, 272 ; Edin- 
burgh held for, 273 ; Whig Clans 
raised for, 274 ; buys Hessians, 
275 ; arbitrary man, 278 

George III., debts of, 88; 222, 
225 ; Highlanders serve, 281 ; 
character of, 282, 283, 284 ; 
aims of, 284, 285 ; his dogged 
efforts, 286 ; agreed with his 
people, 287 ; George Grenville 
and, 288 ; against Wilkes, 288 ; 
gets rid of George Grenville, 292; 
turns to Whigs, then to Pitt, 
293 ," gets hold of Townshend, 
295 ; relies on ' King's Friends' 
and North, 296 ; America re- 



nounces, 301 ; Whigs mistrust, 
301, 302 ; keeps North against 
his will, 311 ; jobs House of 
Commons, 312 ; saves London, 
312 ; distrusts Shelburne, 320 ; 
is ready to cede Gibraltar, 321 ; 
accepts Coalition, 321 ; his 
health proposed, 322 ; begins to 
be popular, 323 ; makes over- 
tures to Pitt, 323 ; dismisses 
Coalition, 324 ; violates con- 
ventions, 324 ; continues to job, 

327 ; his letters to Pitt, 327, 

328 ; buys boroughs, 332 ; goes 
mad, 335 ; his insanity, 336 ; 
gets well, 337 

George, Prince of Denmark, 50, 

"I. 134 

George, Prince of Wales, after- 
wards George IV., proposed as 
Regent, 336, 337 

Georgia, 189, 191, 309 

Geete, River, 128, 129 

Genappe, 129 

General Warrants, 288 

Germaine, Lord George (see also 
Sackville, Lord George), 299, 

305, 309 

Germans, immigrants, 114 ; in 
British Colonies, 189 

Germany, Princes of North, side 
with William III., 71 ; scheme for 
union of, 177, 178, 180 ; bravery 
of her troops, 182 ; ' John Bull ' 
hires troops from, 259, 274, 


Gertruydenberg, 138 

Ghent, 129, 132, 133 

Gibraltar, taken, 121, 127 ; ceded 
to England, 143; 158, 159, 163, 
200, 205, 301, 313, 314, 315, 316, 
320, 321 

Gifford, Bonaventure, 64 

' Gillespie Grumach,' see Camp- 
bell, Archibald, 8th Earl of 

Gladstone, William Ewart, 89, 
305 ; a ' nominee,' on merit of 
unreformed Parliament, 332 

Glasgow, 236 ; insurgents take, 
237 ; Union unpopular in, 256 ; 
Charles Edward at, 273 ; poor 
rate in, 280 ; riches of, 280 

Glencoe, 239, 245, 246 

Glenfinnan, 266 

Glengarry, Macdonald of, 245 

Glenkens, the, 236 

Glenlyon, Campbell of, 246 
Glenshiel, Battle of, 263 
Gloucester, Duke of, see William 
Godfrey, Sir Edmund Berry, 42, 


Godolphin, Sidney, Lord Godol- 
phin, 47, 55, 58, 75, 96, 119, 137, 

Goldsmiths, the London, 32 

Gordon, Clan of, 273 

— , George, 4th Marquis of Hunt- 
ley, 1st Duke of Gordon, 242, 
312 and note 

— , John, 8th (titular) Viscount 
Kenmure, 269 

— , Lord Lewis, 269 

— , William, 6th Viscount Ken- 
mure, 260, 262 

Goree, 321 

Grafton, Duke of, see Fitzroy 

Graham, family of, 231, 239 

— , James, Marquis of Montrose, 
229, 234 

— , John, of Claverhouse, Viscount 
Dundee, 102, 234 and note, 
235. 237, 240, 242, 244 

Granby, Marquis of, see Manners 

Grand Alliance, 117, 118 

Granville, Earl, see Carteret 

Grasse, Francois Joseph Paul, 
Comte de, 310, 314, 317 and 
note, 318 and note, 319 

Grassmarket (Edinburgh), 241 

Graves, Admiral Thomas, after- 
wards Lord Graves, 310, 311 

Gray, Thomas, 214 

' Great Lakes,' the, 191, 197, 207, 
208, 217 

Great Seal, 76 and note ; Com- 
mission to affix, 337 

Greek, in Scotland, 279 

Green Ribbon Club, 39, 44, 49 

Greene, Nathaniel, 303, 309 

Greenwich, 12 

Grenada, 192, 220, 224, 317, 321 

Grenadier Guards, 17 

Grenville, family of, 169, 183, 
285, 286 

— , George, 222, 288, 289, 290, 292, 

— , Richard Temple, 1st Earl 

Temple, 200, 204, 219, 286, 288, 

323, 324 
— , William, afterwards Lord 

Grenville, 320, 327, 330 
Grey, Charles, afterwards 2nd 

Earl Grey, 335 



Grey, Forde, Lord Grey of Wark, 
^istJEarl Tankerville, 37, 53, 54 
Grosvenor Square, 152 
' Grub Street,' 153 
Guadeloupe, 192, 209, 224, 318 
Guards, disaffection in the, 161 ; 

recruiting for the, 272 
Guiana, 104, 192 
Guichen, Luc Urbain, Comte de, 

314, 316, 317 
Guilford, Battle of, 310 
Guinea Coast, 9 (note) 
Gustavus Adolphus, King of 

Sweden, 125 
Guthrie, James, 229 

Habeas Corpus, Act of, 15, 46 

Hague, The, Monmouth at, 47 ; 
William at, 60, 70, 84 ; Marl- 
borough at, 117, 135, 136, 141 

Hair-powder, tax on, 329 

Hal, 101 

Hale, Sir Matthew, 15 

Halifax (Nova Scotia), 193, 300 

Halifax, Marquis of, Earl of, see 
Savile, Montagu 

Hall, Serjeant, 136 

Hamilton, 237 

Hamilton, Dukes of, see Douglas 

— , Lord George, Earl of Orkney, 
123, 126, 129, 136 

Hampden, John, 35, 36 

— , Richard, 36 

Hampton Court, 5, 84 

Hanau, 179 

Handel, George Frederick, 113, 
153 (note), 283 

Handyside or Handasyde, 
General William, 273 

Hanover, Electoral family of, 65, 
71 ; precautions in Act of 
Settlement against, 109 ; 
George's visits to, 152 ; George 
absolute in, 154 ; its influence 
on English position and so- 
ciety, 160 ; must be defended, 
165, 172 ; George II. goes to, 
174 ; George II.'s fear for, 177, 
182 ; Carteret accused of favour- 
ing, 178 ; her troops at Dettin- 
gen, 178 ; defence of, 194, 197, 
198 ; troops from, 200, 201 ; 
Army of, 202 ; Convention of 
Neutrality for, 204, 205 ; French 
driven from, 208 

Hanoverians, the Scottish, 231, 
259, 274, 275 (note) 

VOL. Ill 

Hapsburg, family of, Spanish 
branch of, 98, 104, 105 ; Aus- 
trian branch of, 175, 176 

Harcourt, Simon, 1st Viscount 
Harcourt, 139 

Hardwicke, Earl of, see Yorke 

Harley, Robert, afterwards Earl 
of Oxford, as Secretary of State, 
119; playing false, 131; dis- 
missed, 134 ; Lord Treasurer, 
139 ; character of, 140 ; hesi- 
tates on Succession question, 
146; dismissed, 147; 155, 161, 

Harrington, Earl of, see Stan- 

Harris, Sir James, afterwards 1st 
Earl of Malmesbury, 338 

Hastenbeck, 204 

Hastings, Francis Rawdon, Lord 
Rawdon, afterwards Earl of 
Moira and Marquis of Hastings, 
302, 309 

— , Warren, 320 

Havana, 221, 222, 223, 224 

Haviland, General William, 217 

Havre, 209 

Hawke, Sir Edward, 1st Lord 
Hawke, 29, 184, 197, 199 (note), 
207, 210 and note, 215 ; his 
victory at Quiberon, 216 ; 314 

Hawley, General Henry, 273, 

Haymarket Theatre, 112 

' Headrigg,' ' Cuthbert,' 236 

Hearth Tax, 20, 21 

Heathfield, Lord, see Eliott 

Henri IV., King of France, 6, 
334 (note) 

Henry Benedict, Prince, 263, 

Henry, Patrick, 291 

Herbert, Arthur, Earl of Tor- 
rington, 83, 98 

— , Sir Edward, Chief Justice, 62, 

— , William, 1st Marquis of Powis, 

Hesse, Karl, Landgraf of, 71, 

194 ; troops from, 200, 201 
Hessians hired, 274, 275, 301 
Highlanders, quartered on Gal- 
loway Lairds, 237 ; Dundee 
raises, 242 ; pacification of, 
245 ; produce cattle, 251 ; 
come to Edinburgh, 253 ; in 
1715, 260 ; at Sheriff muir, 261 ; 




hunted down, 261 ; will be 
loyal, 266 ; join Charles Ed- 
ward, 266 ;j Lord G. Murray- 
understands, 267 ; at Preston- 
pans, 268 ; well behaved, 269 ; 
Charles' only aid, 270 ; enter 
England, 271 ; did not desert, 
272 and note ; reinforcements 
of, 273 ; starving, 274 ; ven- 
geance on, 275 and note ; 
desperate loyalty of, 276 

Highlands, regiments raised in 
the, 202 and note ; Dundee in 
the, 242, 244 ; Jacobitism in, 
245 ; Jacobites in, Wade in, 
263 ; Charles Edward lands in, 
265 ; joy in, 266 ; retreat to 
the, 274 ; ' pacification ' of, 275 ; 
depopulation of, 277, 281 

High Commission, Scottish Court 
of, 233 

High Street, Edinburgh, 255, 

Highwaymen, 90 j 

Hill, Abigail, 135 

Hobbes, Thomas, 14 

Hochkirch, 208 

Hockley Hole, 113 

Hoddesdon, 54 

Hogue, Battle of Cape la, 99, 100 

Holland, War of 1665-7 with, 
27-30 ; Peace of 1667 with, 30 ; 
Treaty of 1668 with, 32 ; to be 
partitioned, 32 ; War of 1672 
against, 32, 33, 34 ; saved 
(1672) by William of Orange, 
34 ; decline of, 34 ; Alliance 
with, 38 ; Shaftesbury in, 53 ; 
insurrections start from, 60 ; 
Louis XIV. urges James to 
attack, 67 ; English regiments 
recalled from, 67 ; Hesse will 
defend, 71 ; William starts 
from, 71, 72 ; Mary's affection 
for, 82 ; her Fleet combined with 
ours, 98 and note, 99 ; packet 
service to, 114 ; France threat- 
ening, 118 ; Civil Commis- 
sioners of, 120, 123, 124 ; crying 
for help, 128 ; Civil Commis- 
sioners of, 129, 130 ; ' mis- 
leading England,' 137 ; honours 
Marlborough, 142 ; unable to 
furnish full quota of ships, 142 ; 
to garrison Barrier fortresses, 
143 ; gets her ' Barrier,' 143 ; 
to close the Scheldt, 144 ; 

natural ally of England, 158 ; 
will not fight (1742), 178 ; in 
danger, 182 ; goes to war, 182 ; 
neutral in Seven Years' War, 
198 ; suffers as a Neutral, 210 ; 
Scottish intercourse with, 227, 
228, 233, 239, 240, 241 ; 'John 
Bull ' hires troops from, 259, 261, 
262 ; joins French in American 
War, 307, 308 and note, 313 ; 
loses her West Indies, 317 and 
note ; Triple Alliance with 
Prussia and, 338 

Holland, Lord, see Fox 

Holles, Denzil, Lord Holies, 37, 

Holmes, Admiral Charles, 206, 
210, 211, 212 

Holyrood House, Chapel of, 241, 
242 ; procession from, 255, 269 

' Holy War ' (Bunyan's), 15 

Honduras, 192 

Hood, Admiral Sir Samuel, after- 
wards Viscount Hood, 311, 314, 
316, 317, 318 

Hough, John, afterwards Bishop 
of Worcester, 64 

Hounslow, 69, 90 

Household, the Royal, 284, 285, 

House of Commons, a modern, 
incompetent, 89 ; ' manage- 
ment ' of, 151, 152, 153, 154; 
Walpole's management of the, 
165 ; the Opposition in the, 
168, 169, 170 ; Newcastle job- 
bing, 201, 203 ; its struggle 
with Wilkes, 288, 289 ; Pitt's 
management of, 324, 325 ; Pitt 
destroys corruption in, 328 and 
note ; Pitt proposes to reform, 
33 1 > 334 > attached to Pitt, 

334 M 

House of Lords, meetings of 
(1688), 77 ; debates of 1689 
in, 78 ; address to Queen Anne 
(17 14), 145 ; passes Peerage 
Bill, 162 ; Chatham ranting in, 
295 ; rejects Fox's India Bill, 
324 ; Pitt's Cabinet largely 
chosen from, 327 
Howard, Charles, 1st Earl of Car- 
lisle, 37 
— , Charles, nth Duke of Norfolk, 

— , Henry, 7th Duke of Norfolk, 




Howard, William, Viscount Staf- 
ford, 48 

— of Escrick, William Howard, 
3rd Lord, 37, 54 

Howe, Admiral Richard, Earl 
Howe, 309, 314, 316 

— , George Augustus, 3rd Vis- 
count. 208 

— , Sir William, 299, 300, 302, 305, 

' HuDIBRAS,' 13 

Hudson Bay Company, 9 
Hudson River, 28, 191, 302, 305, 

3°9, 310 

Hungary, 175, 176, 178 

hungerford, 75 

Huntley, Marquis of, see Gordon 

Huy, 101, 123 

Hyde, Anne, first wife of James, 
Duke of York, 35 

— , Edward, 1st Earl of Clarendon, 
22 ; his attitude to Dissenters, 
24, 25 ; in Cabinet, 26 ; atti- 
tude to Dutch War, 28 ; fall of, 
30; exile and death of, 31 ; his 
' History of Great Rebellion,' 31 ; 
his style, 115 ; hates Scots, 233 

— , Henry, 2nd Earl of Claren- 
don, 58, 67, 68, 75, 96 

— , Laurence, Earl of Rochester, 
47. 55. 58, 63, 65, 67, 68, 96, 
119, 139 

Hyde Park, 13, 113, 161 

India, our prestige in, 185 ; 
Chatham wishes for Crown 
Sovereignty in, 294 ; Russian 
designs on, 338 

India Bills, Fox's, 323 ; Pitt's, 330 

' Indians,' see Red Indians 

Indulgence, proposed Declara- 
tion of, 1663, 24 ; Declaration 
of (1672), 35, 41 ; see also De- 

' Industrial Revolution,' the, 
279, 287 

Inhabited House Duty, 297 

Innocent X., Pope, 57, 59, 69 

Inverary, 245 

Inverness, 260, 270, 274 

Inverness-shire, 263 

Ipswich, 93 

Ireland, disloyalty of, 287 ; 
garrison in, 301 ; North's 
troubles in, 311 ; Rockingham's 
policy in, 320 ; Pitt wants free 
trade with, 330 

Islands, the Western Scottish, 261 

Italy, Campaign in, 119, 120, 

128 ; Eugene's Campaigns in, 

130 ; neutrality of, 131 ; War 

of 1742 in, 177 

Jacobites, 80 ; Non-Jurors, 81 ; 
on ' God's Wrath,' 90 ; plots of, 
95. 99. io 3 I denounce Army, 
106 ; Louis XIV. abandons, 
143 ; hopes of the, 145, 146, 
147, 148 ; Rising of (1715), 161, 
168 ; danger from, 165 ; their 
leader in Parliament, 169 ; 
plans of (1744), 181 ; Rising 
of (1745), 182, 183, 184 ; the 
Scottish, 231 ; the victims of 
1746, 240 ; in the Convention, » 
242 ; win Killiecrankie, 244 ; 
in prison, danger of a landing 
of, 252 ; at time of Union, 253 ; 
rely on France, 256 ; division 
of, weakness of (1715), 258, 
259 ; courage of, 262 ; certain 
to rise again, 263 ; Association 
of, 264 ; the Ladies, 269 ; 
slackness of the English, 271 

Jamaica, 192, 221, 315, 318, 319 

James L, 108 ; as James VI. of 
Scotland, 269 

James II., as Duke of York : New 
York called after, 28 ; as Ad- 
miral, 29 ; in command at sea, 
29 ; in Cabinet, 31 ; convert to 
Catholicism, 33 ; his second 
marriage, 33 ; resigns Admiralty, 
35 ; designs of Jesuits on, 41, 42 ; 
Exclusion of, suggested, 43, 44, 
46, 49, 51, 52 ; goes to Scot- 
land, 45 ; indicted as Popish 
recusant, 49 ; in danger, 54 ; as 
King ; character of, 56, 57 ; first 
steps of, 57, 58 ; his councillors, 
58, 59 ; his Parliament, 60, 62 ; 
a Dutch life of, 61 (note) ; 
employs Catholics, 62 ; claims 
Dispensing power, 62, 63 ; ap- 
points Ecclesiastical Commis- 
sion, 63 ; his treatment of 
Oxford and Cambridge, 64, 65 ; 
turns to Dissenters, 65 ; pre- 
pares for a sham Parliament, 

66 ; goes to St. Winifred's Well, 

67 ; refuses to listen to Louis 
XIV., 67, 71 ; issues Declara- 
tion of Indulgence, 68 ; prose- 
cutes Seven Bishops, 69 ; his 



son born, 69, 70 ; Will he 
fight ?, 72, 73, 74, 75 ; reverses 
his policy, 72 ; watches the 
weather, 73 ; listens to 
Louis XIV., 73 ; at Salisbury, 
74, 75 ; returns to London, 75 ; 
flies to France, 76 ; ' hath abdi- 
cated,' 78 ; his coaches sold, 
80 ; an impossible person, 80 ; 
statesmen intrigue with, 86, 96, 
97, 99 ; his revenue, 88 ; his 
camp at Hounslow, 94 ; death 
of, 107 ; father of Marshal 
Berwick, 128 ; his Colonial 
policy, 188 ; as James VII. of 
Scotland : Scotland's loyalty to, 
231 ; Conventicles in his reign, 
235 ; in Scotland, 238 ; against 
Argyll, 239 ; visits Scotland 
again, becomes King, 240 ; or- 
ders pictures, 269 ; his folly, 

241 ; deserts Scottish loyalists, 

242 ; loyalty of Church of 
Scotland to, 243 ; gives Com- 
mission to Dundee, 244 ; death 
of, 252 

James Francis Edward, as 
Prince of Wales, 69, 70, 74, 
75 ; character of, 80, 81 ; 
as 'James III.,' 107, 108; 
at Oudenarde, 133 ; to be 
excluded from France, 143 ; 
question of his succession, 
145, 146, 147, 148 ; Whigs 
hostile to, 157 ; 'to receive 
Hanover,' 160 ; betrayed by 
Bolingbroke, 161, 167 ; Spain 
supports, 163 ; Shippen con- 
sults, 169 ; English Jacobites 
fail, 183 ; as ' James VIII.' of 
Scotland : recognized by France, 
252 ; attempts for, 253 ; starts 
for Scotland, driven back, 256 ; 
character of, 257, 258, 278 ; in- 
surrection of 1 7 15 for, 258, 259, 
260, 261 ; delays of, 260 ; 
comes to Scotland, 261 ; retires 
to Rome, 262 ; insurrection of 
17 19 for, 263 ; his marriage, 
263 ; sends Charles a Com- 
mission, 264 ; apathy of Eng- 
land to, 271, 273 

Jefferson, Thomas, 291 

Jeffreys, Sir George, Lord 
Jeffreys, 15, 58, 61, 62, 63 

Jenkinson, Charles, 1st Earl of 
Liverpool, 330 

Jennings, Sarah, see Marlborough, 

Duchess of 
Jermyn, Henry, 1st Lord Dover, 

Jersey, Isle of, 31 
Jesuits, plotting, 41, 42, 43, 48 ; 

trials of, 43 ; under James II., 

activity of, 57, 59, 65, 67, 78 ; 

missionary zeal of, 190 
Jews, 185 

Johnson, Samuel, 153 
Johnstone, Archibald, of Warris- 

toun, 229 
Joseph I., Emperor, 127, 131, 

137. M 1 
Joshua, 322 

Judges, tenure of the, 109 
Juncto, see Cabinet 
Jurisprudence, Scottish, 251, 

254, 280 
Juxon, Archbishop William, 22 

Katharine, Queen of Charles II., 

9, 26 ; proposal to divorce, 46 ; 

insults to, 48 ; at Oxford, 50 ; 

Katharine II., Czarina of Russia, 

223, 308 (note) 
Keith, George, Earl Marischal, 

Kellly, George, 265 
Ken, Thomas, Bishop of Bath 

and Wells, 15, 68 
Kenmure, Lord, see Gordon 
Kensington, 112 
Kensington Palace, 84, 147, 

148, 272 
Kent, garrisoned by Germans, 

Keppel, Admiral Augustus, Vis- 
count Keppel, 219, 315, 319 
— , George, 3rd Earl of Albemarle, 

Ker of Graden, Colonel Henry, 

Kew, 284 

Killiecrankie, Battle of, 244 
' Killing Times,' the, 228, 240 
Kilmarnock, 250 
Kilmarnock, Earl of, see Boyd 
' King of Prussia,' the, 225 and 

Kingsburgh, Alexander Mac- 

donald of, 276 
' King's Friends,' the Party of, 

286, 295, 296, 327, 335 
Kingsland, 90 



King's Mountain, 309 

Kirk of Scotland, factions 
in the, 228 ; moderates of, 
229, 230 ; ' outed ' ministers 
of, 232, 233, 234 ; they hold 
Conventicles, 235, 236, 237 ; 
insurrections of fanatics of, 
236, 237, 238 ; settled at Re- 
volution, 243, 244, 246, 247, 
248 ; its ignorance and intoler- 
ance, 251, 253 ; its supremacy, 
255 ; growing tolerance in, 
278, 279 

— , General Assembly of, 227, 230, 
246, 247 

Kirk Sessions, 230, 279 

Kirke, Colonel Percy, 61 

Klosterseven, Convention of, 
204, 205, 206 

Knox, John, 239 

Kollin, 204 

kunersdorf, 215 

La Bassee, 136, 138 

Ladenburg, 124 

La Galissoniere, Roland Michel, 

Marquis de, 189, 193, 200 
Lagos, 215 
Lake, John, Bishop of Chichester, 

68, in 
Lamb art, Colonel Hamilton, 219 
' Lammermoor,' ' The Bride of,' 

Lancashire, 261, 262 
Landau, 127 

Landen, Battle of, 94, 102, 128 
Land Tax, of William III., 91 ; 

under Walpole, 171 
Lansdowne, Marquis of, see 

La Salle, Robert de, 189, 191 
Latin, in Scotland, 279 
' La Tulipe/ name for French 

Private Soldier, 133 
Laud, William, Archbishop of 

Canterbury, 4, 230, 232 
Lauderdale, Duke of, see Mait- 

Lauffeldt, Battle of, 182 
' Law of Nature,' nonsense 

talked about, 291, 300, 301 
Law, William, 150 
Lee, General Robert, 303 
Leech, John, 93 
Leeward Islands, see West 

Legacy Duty, 329 

Legge, George, 1st Lord Dart- 
mouth, 72, 73 

— , Henry Bilson, 204 

Leighton, Alexander, 232 

— , Robert, Bishop of Dunblane, 
afterwards Archbishop of Glas- 
gow, 232, 236, 237 

Lennox, Charles, 3rd Duke of 
Richmond, 333 

Leopold L, Emperor, 39, 40, 41, 
60, 98, 104, 105, 124, 127 

Leslie, John, 7th Earl, 1st Duke 
of Rothes, 235 

Lestock, Richard, Admiral, 180 

Leuthen, 205 

Levant Company, 9 

Levis, Francois Gaston, Due de, 
211, 214 

Lexington, Battle of, 299 

Libel, Law of, 20 

Licensing Act, 20 

Lichfield, 272 

Liege, ioi, 123 

Liegnitz, 217 

' Life Guards,' the, 17, 49, 122 

Ligonier, John, afterwards Earl 
Ligonier, 199 (note), 206, 220 

Lille, 133 


' Limitations,' the Scottish, 254 
Lindsay, Colin, 3rd Earl of 

Balcarres, 242 
Lippe-Buckeburg, Wilhelm, 

Count of, 223 
Lisbon, 114, 223 
' Little Lakes,' 191, 197, 206, 

207, 211 
Liverpool, trade of, seventeenth 

century, 11 
Liverpool, Earl of, see Jenkinson 
Lloyd, William, Bishop of St. 

Asaph, 68 
Lochiel, see Cameron of Lochiel 


Locke, John, 37, 50, 51 (note), 96 
Lockhart of Carnwath, George, 

London, French weavers in, 10; 
trade of, seventeenth century, 
11; centre of fashion, 12, 13; 
Plague of, 26 ; fire of, 27 ; 
rebuilding of, 27 ; hostile to 
Dutch, 28 ; Whiggery of, 37, 
48, 53, 54 ; Papists dismissed 
from, 43 ; Shaftesbury hiding 
in, 53 ; forfeiture of charter of, 



54 ; the Seven Bishops in, 68, 
69 ; James returns to, 75 ; 
mob riots in, 75 ; James re- 
turns to and flies from, 76 ; 
William III. comes to, 77 ; 
merchants of, 92 ; amusements 
of, 113 ; post within, 114 ; 
mad over Sacheverell, 138 ; 
will not hoot Eugene, 141 ; 
disturbed condition of, 

George I., 161 ; her merchants 
petition against Spain, 172 ; 
brutal mob of, 184 ; Argyll 
scolded in, 261 ; Scots tried in, 
262 ; no defences of, 269, 271, 
272 ; Charles Edward advances 
towards, 270 ; panic in, 272 ; 
Scottish executions in, 277 ; 
contrasted with Edinburgh, 280; 
Gordon Riots in, 282, 312 and 
(note) ; Wilkes riots in, 289 ; 
corruption of modern Guar- 
dians of the Poor in, 332 ; fears 
to lose Pitt, 337 
London Bridge, 12 
* London Gazette,' 13 
'Long Island,' the (Scotland), 265 
Lord Mayor, at the Fire of 
London, 27 ; called to an 
Assembly, 1688, 77 
Lords of the Articles, 228, 235, 

248, 249 
Lorne, Lord, see Campbell Archi- 
bald, 9th Earl of Argyll 
Lorraine, Duchy of, 105, 175, 

— , James III. in, 143, 145 
Lorraine, Leopold Charles 

Joseph, Duke of, 139 
— , Francis, Stephen, Duke of, 183 
Loudoun, Earl of, see Campbell 
Louis XIV., bigotry of, 10 ; 
subsidizes Charles II., Treaty 
with, 32, 33 ; Charles deceives, 
34, 38 ; his aggressions, 39 ; 
bribes English Parliament, 40 ; 
makes Peace of Nimeguen, 41 ; 
uses Jesuits, 42 ; attacks Lux- 
emburg, 55 ; his advice to 
James II., 55 ; persecuting 
Protestants, 57 ; William hates, 
59 ; aggressions of, 60 ; offers 
James alliance, 67 ; attacks 
Philipsburg, 71 ; James offers 
alliance to, 73 ; receives James 
in exile, 76 ; danger from (1689), 
78 ; William will humble, 84 ; 

his army, 94 ; his riches, 99 ; 
his Flemish campaigns, 100 ; 
makes Peace of Ryswick, 103 ; 
Marlborough and, 103 (note) ; 
on Spanish succession, 104, 105 ; 
makes Partition Treaties, 105 ; 
perjured, 106, 107 ; recognizes 
James III., 107, ^252 ; will help 
Jacobites, 256 ; death of, 258 ; 
Spain will support, 118 ; Eu- 
gene's hatred for, 119 ; his 
present to Elector of Bavaria, 
123 ; what he would say about 
Blenheim, 126 ; inclined to 
yield (1706), 130 ; concludes 
Treaty for Italy, 131 ; offers 
peace, 135, 137 ; appeals to his 
people, 135 ; offers Marlborough 
a bribe, 137 ; renews offers of 
peace, 138, 139 ; deaths in his 
family, 141 ; concludes Peace, 
142, 143, 144 ; irritation of, 
151 ; France after his death, 
Louis XV., 141 ; his throne 
coveted by Philip V., 158, 159 ; 
his son born, 159 ; at Fontenoy, 
182, 185 ; listens to Maria 
Theresa, 194, 195 ; unwilling 
for war, 197 ; sends army over 
Rhine, 201 ; unready for war, 
203 ; can spare no troops for 
Canada, 207 ; receives Charles 
Edward, 264 ; is for ' Peace at 
any price,' 296 ; death of, 306 
Louis XVI., accession of, 306 ; 

his health proposed, 322 
Louis, Dauphin, son of Louis 
XIV., 104, 105 

LOUISBURG, l82, 185, 191, I94, 
206, 207, 208, 209, 2IO 

Louisiana, 191, 192, 224 

Louvain, 129, 131 

Louvois, Francois Michel Le Tel- 

lier, Marquis do, 71 
Lovat, Lord, see Fraser 
Loyalists, the American, 298, 

302, 311, 320, 322 
Ludgate Hill, 161 
Ludlow, Edmund, 19 
Ludwig Wilhelm, Margrave of 

Baden, 120, 124, 125 
Lumley, Richard, 1st Lord Lum 

ley (afterwards 1st Earl of 

Scarborough), 70 
Luttrell, Narcissus, 113, 138 

LUTZINGEN, 125, 126 



Luxemburg, 55 

Luxemburg, Francis Henri de 

Montmorenci, Due de, Marshal, 

101, 102, 103 
Lyme, 60 
Lyons, 307 
Lys, River, 135 
Lyttelton, family of, 169, 183- 

' Macalpin,' ' Janet,' 281 

— , ' Sergeant More,' 281 

' Macbriar,' ' Ephraim,' 235 

Macclesfield, 271 

Macdonald, family of, 231, 260, 

265, 266, 275 
— , Flora, 276 
Machiavelli, Niccolo, 80, 176, 

Mack ay, family of, 231 
— , Hugh, 74, 102, 242, 244, 245 
Mackenzie, of Rosehaugh, Sir 

George, 234, 243 
— , William, 5th Earl of Seaforth, 

Mackintosh, William, Brigadier, 

260, 271 
Macleod, Clan of, 274, 275 (note) 
Macpherson, Clan of, 267 
Madras, 182, 185, 222 
Madrid, 128, 134, 263 
Magdalen College, Oxford, 64, 

70, 73. 137 

Main, River, 178, 179 

Mainz, 124 

Maitland, John, Duke of Lauder- 
dale, 31, 229, 234, 236, 237, 240, 

Malaga, 127 

Malplaquet, Battle of, 121, 136, 

Malta, 134 

Malt Tax, 257 (note) 

Manchester, 271 

Manchester, Earl of, see Montagu 

Manila, 221, 222, 224 

Manners, John, Marquis of 
Granby, 217, 223, 225, 271 

Mansfield, Earl of, see Murray 

Manton, Dr. Thomas, 139 

Manufactures, Scottish, 248, 
250, 251, 256, 280 

Mar, Earl of, see Erskine 

Margate, 83 

Maria Theresa, Empress, 175, 
176, 177, 180, 182, 183 ; seeking 
French alliance, 194, 195 ; con- 

spiring against Frederick, 197 ; 
concludes Treaties with France, 
198, 201, 204 ; to be ' polished 
off,' 202 ; her Allies, 204 

Marie Antoinette, Queen of 
France, 306 

Marie Galante, 192, 220, 224 

Marines, first regiment of, 17 

Marlborough, Duke of, see 

— , Sarah, Duchess of, no, in, 
117, 130, 135, 138 

Marriage Laws (Hardwicke's 
Act), 185 

Marryat, Captain Frederick, 
' Poor Jack,' 225 (note) 

Marsin, Ferdinand, Comte de, 
Marshal, 126 

Martinique, 192, 209, 219, 220, 
221, 224, 318 

Mary L, Queen, 15, 75 

Mary II. , Queen, 28. A s Princess : 
her marriage, 35, 39 ; as possible 
Regent, 46, 51 ; heiress of 
England, 59, 63, 67, 73 ; her 
letter to Anne, 68, 70 ; as 
Queen : declared Queen, 79, 80 ; 
crown settled on, 81 ; her char- 
acter and Memoirs, 81, 82, 83 ; 
William unfaithful to, 84 ; on 
insolence of Englishmen, 86 ; 
her death, 95 ; left as Regent, 
82, 83, 97, 99 ; her opinion of 
Peterborough, 128 

Mary Beatrice, Queen of James 
II. , 33, 42 ; with child, 67 ; birth 
of her son, 69, 70 ; welcomed in 
France, 76, 240 

Maseyk, 123 

Masquerades, 153 

Massachusetts, 292, 295, 298 

Mastricht, ioi, 123, 124, 129 

Mathews, Thomas, Admiral, 180 
and note 

Mauritius, 217, 219 

Maxen, 215 

Maxim Guns, 106 (note) 

Maxwell, William, 5th Earl of 
Nithsdale, 260, 264 

6th (titular) Earl of Niths- 
dale, 269 

Mechlin, 129 

Mecklenburg-Strelitz, see Char- 
lotte, Queen 

Medway, River, Dutch fleet in 
the, 30 

Mehaigne, River, 128 



' Melincourt,' 331 (note) 

Menin, 130 

Men Servants, tax on, 297, 

Merton College, Oxford, 50 
Methodists, 150 
Methuen, Paul, 144, 145 
Meuse, River, 101, 102, 123, 128 
Mexico, Gulf of, 174 
Middlesex, 289 
Middleton, John, ist Earl of 

Middleton, 229, 235 
Milan, Duchy of, 104, 105, 130, 

144, 158, 159, 175 
Militia, weakness of, 61, 62 ; 

praised, 94 ; Bill to revive the 

(1757), 198, 201 and note ; the 

American, 299, 304, 305 
Milton, John, 13, 115, 246, 276 
Minden, Battle of, 215, 217, 225 
Minorca, 33 ; capture of, 134 ; 

cession of, 143 ; 159, 198, 200, 

201, 209, 219, 224, 301, 313, 314, 

315, 316, 321 
Miquelon, Island of, 224 
Mississippi, River, 191, 224, 297, 

Modena, Mary of, see Mary 

Moffat, 271 

Moira, Lord, see Hastings 
Monckton, Colonel Robert, 197, 

208, 210, 213 
Mondelheim, 124 
Monk, George, ist Duke of 

Albemarle, 16, 17, 25, 29, 30 
Monmouth, Duke of, see Crofts 
— , Earl of, see Mordaunt 
Mons, 101, 130, 136 
Montagu, Charles, Earl of Halifax, 

— , Edward, 2nd Earl of Man- 
chester, 25 
— , — , ist Earl of Sandwich, 33 
— , John, 4th Earl of Sandwich, 

299, 314. 317 
— , Lady Mary Wortley, 152 
Montcalm, Louis Joseph, Marquis 

de, 206, 208, 211, 212, 213 
' Montgomery's Regiment,' 202 

Montmorency, River, 211 
Montreal, 208, 211, 213, 214, 217 

Montrose, 261 

Montrose, Marquis of, see Graham 
Moray Firth, 274 

Mordaunt, Charles, 3rd Earl of 
Peterborough, 83, 120, 127, 128 

Morice, Sir William, 31 

Morley, George, Bishop of Win- 
chester, 22 

Moselle, River, 124, 127, 128 

' Muckle wrath,' ' Habakkuk,' 

' Mug-houses,' 161 
Mun, Thomas, 10 
Munchausen, Baron Adolf Gerlach 

von, 160 
Murray, Lord George, 263, 267, 

268, 270, 271, 272, 273, 274, 275 
— , General James, 208, 210, 214, 

— , John, ist Duke of Atholl, 242 
— , Lord William, 2nd Lord Nairn, 


— or Nairn, John, 3rd Lord 
Nairn, 269 

— , William, 1st Earl of Mansfield, 

194, 290 
— , — , Marquis of Tullibardine, 

rightfully Duke of Atholl, 263, 

265, 267, 269, 275 

— of Broughton, John, 264, 
265, 266, 277 

Mutiny Act, 93, 94 

Nairn, 274 

Nairn, Lord, see Murray 

Namur, 101, 103, 128, 130 

Nantes, 265 ; Edict of, revoked, 60 

Naples, Kingdom of (see also 
Sicilies, Kingdom of the Two), 
104, 105, 130, 144, 158, 173 

Napoleon, Emperor, 92, 187, 295 

Narborough, Sir John, 29 

Naseby, Battle of, 275 

Nassau, 74 

National Debt, origin of the, 
32 ; in William III., 91 ; growth 
of, 92 ; South Sea Company and 
the, 163 ; reduction of Interest 
on the, 170 ; Sinking Fund for 
the, 171 ; Charles Edward de- 
nounces, 270 ; Pitt's plan for 
reducing, 329, 330 

National Defence Bill, 198, 

Navigation Act, ii, 12, 289, 311; 
Scotland excluded from benefits 
of, 227, 248, 250 ; the Scottish 
Act, 248 

Navy (of Charles II.), 28-38 ; of 
James II., 72, 73, 74 ; William 



III.'s use of, 84 ; wrecks in 
1689 and 1703, 90 ; favoured 
by Parliament, 94 ; Russell's 
administration of, 97, 98, 99 ; 
to be strengthened, 106 ; at 
Toulon (1707), 131, 132 ; re- 
cruiting for, 132 ; takes Minorca, 
134 ; neglect of, after 1714, 150 ; 
difficulty of recruiting for, 177 ; 
at Toulon (1744), 180 and note ; 
victories of, 184, 185 ; in Seven 
Years' War, cruising in Atlantic, 
195 ; scattered, 200 ; Pitt's use 
of, 205, 206 ; at Carthagena, 
207 ; at Louisburg, 208 ; in 
Atlantic, 209, 215, 219 ; at 
Quiberon, 216 ; in Canada, 210, 
211, 212, 214 ; in East Indies, 
217, 222 ; in West Indies 209, 
220, 221, 226 ; jobbery in, 285 ; 
in American War, figures of, 
301 ; true function of, 304, 305 ; 
takes French ships, 306 ; coali- 
tion against, 307, 313 ; France 
seldom fights, 308, 315 ; in West 
Indies, 310, 317, 318 ; fails to 
relieve Cornwallis, 311, 318 ; in 
East Indies, 313 ; recruiting 
for, 313 (note) ; off Ushant, 315 ; 
scattered all over World, 314 ; 
relieves Gibraltar, 315, 316 ; 

Neckar, River, 124 

Neerspecken, 102 

Nelson, Horatio, Viscount Nelson, 

29, I34> 3H 
Netherbow, the (Edinburgh), 

Netherlands, the Spanish, see 

Flanders, Belgium 
Neutrals, Choiseul plans to use 

the, 221 ; suffer in war time, 210 
Newcastle-on-Tyne, 114, 268 
Newcastle, Duke of ; see Pelham- 

New England, {see also Massa- 
chusetts), 188, 189, 289, 302, 304 
Newfoundland, 121, 189, 224 

322 ; becomes English, 143 

and note 
' New France,' 190 
Newgate, 161 
New Jersey, 30, 188, 305 
Newmarket, 5, 54 
New Orleans, 191 
Newspapers, 114 
Newton, Sir Isaac, 14, 96 
New York, 28, 30, 114, 188, 189, 

190, 191, 292, 297, 298, 305, 309, 
310, 311, 316 

Nimeguen, 39, 41, 123 

' Nineteen,' The (Insurrection of 

1719), 263, 265, 267 
Nithsdale, Earl of, see Maxwell 
Noailles, Adrien Maurice, Due 

de, Marshal, 178, 179 
Noix (Isle aux), 211, 217 
' Non-Jurors,' the, 81, in, 149 
— , the Scottish, 243, 247, 256, 

Nootka Sound, 338 
Norfolk, Duke of, see Howard 
Norris, Admiral Sir John, 264 
North, Sir Dudley, 10 
— , Frederick, Lord North, 284 

(note) ; takes Office, 296 ; ability 

of, 297 ; closes Boston Port, 298 ; 

has country behind him, 299 ; 

weakness of, 299, 305 ; wishes 

to resign, his troubles, 311, 313 ; 

resigns, 319 ; coalesces with Fox, 

321, 323, 325, 329, 336, 337 
— , Roger, 12 
' North Briton,' the, 288 
Northumberland, 260 
Northumberland, Earl of, see 

Nottinghamshire, 75 
Nova Scotia, ceded to England, 

143 and note, 194, 197 
' No-vote,' City of, 331 
Nuncio, a Papal, 65 

Oates, Titus, 41, 42, 43, 46, 47, 48 

' Oath of Assurance,' 247, 248 

Occasional Conformity Bill, 
131, 140 

October Club, 139 

Ogilvy, David, 5th Earl of Airlie, 
269, 275 

— , family of, 231, 239 

— , James, 1st Earl of Seafield, 
253. 255 

Oglethorpe, General James Ed- 
ward, 189 

Ohio, River, 191, 193, 194, 297, 

Old Sarum, 331 

Oliphant of Gask, Laurence, 269 

' One-Vote,' Borough of, 331 

Ontario, Lake, 208 

Opdam, Jacob Wassenaer van, 29 

Opera, the, 113, 153 

Opposition, rise of the, 159, 160; 
in George III., bribing and 



jobbing, 285 ; favours Wilkes, 
288 ; on American War, 294, 
296 ; denouncing Army, 302 ; 
traitorous conduct of/303 
Orange, Prince of, see William III. 
Orkney Islands, 241 
Orkney, Earl of, see Hamilton 
Ormond, Duke of, see Butler 
Orvilliers, Louis Guillouet, 

Comte d', 314, 315 
Osborne, Admiral Henry, 207 
— , Sir Thomas, afterwards Earl 
of Danby, Marquis of Car- 
marthen and Duke of Leeds, 
35. 3 8 > 39, 4°, 43, 44, 67, 70, 
75, 79, 83, 86, 97, 155 

OSTEND, I30, I32 

Oswald, Richard, 322 

Ottery, 74 

Oudenarde, Battle of, 121, 130, 
132, 133, 261 

Oxford, Court at (1665), 27 ; the 
Gazette, 13 ; Mayor and Cor- 
poration of, in prison, 332 ; 
Parliament of 1681 at, 49, 50, 
51 ; Royal Society at, 14 ; 
troops sent to, 250 ; James mis- 
handles University Of, 64 

1 \\< kk 1 Boa 1 s, 1 1 1 

Palace Yard, Westminster, 289 

' Palatines,' in British Colonies, 

Pall Mall, 161 

Palmer, Roger, Earl ol Castle 
tnaine, 59 

Panama, 143, 249, 250 

Pantomimes, 153 

' Paradisic Lost,' 13 

' Paradise Regained,' 13 

Paris, Charles Edward in, 
Chatham watching, 304 ; dis- 
tress in, 135 ; Peace of (1703), 
224, denounced, 288, 293 ; 
the storm brewing in, ^H 

Parker, Dr. Samuel, Bishop of 
Oxford, 64 

Parliament, of 1661, 16 ; re- 
ligious temper of, 22, 23, 24, 
25 ; demands Peace, 34 ; re- 
jects Declaration of Indulgence, 
35 ; passes Test Act, 35 ; 
changed opinions of, 36 ; Whig 
party in, 37 sqq. ; long proro- 
gations of, 39 ; bribed by 
Louis XIV., 40 ; violence of, 
43; dissolved, 44; (of 1679), 

44, 45, 46 ; (of 1680), 49 ; 
(of 1681), 49, 50, 51 ; in- 
termission of, 55 ; (of 1685), 
60, 61, 62 ; James prepares foi 
sham, 66, 70 ; for a free, 73 ; 
William demands a free, 73 ; 
' to be held frequently,' 80 ; 
William cannot manage, 85 ; 
factiousness of, 86, 87, 95, 105, 
106 ; obtains control of purse, 
87, 88, 89 ; becomes Protec- 
tionist, 90 ; obtains control of 
Army, 93, 94 ; settles Suc- 
cession, 108, 109 ; (of 1689), 
79, 87 ; (of 1698), 106 ; (of 
1701), 107 ; factions in Anne's 
reign in, 116, 117; corruption of , 
in eighteenth century, 150, 151, 
I 54, T 55> J 56; omnipotence of, 
162 ; elections to, 162 ; Walpole's 
power in, 170, 171 ; legislates 
for Colonies, 188 ; jealous 
of Scottish competition, 250 ; 
Scottish representation in, 254 ; 
George II. addressing (1745), 
267 ; could control any Km 
278 ; family influence in, 284, 
285, 286 ; Royal influence in, 
285, 286 ; Wilkes' agitation in, 
288 ; mob coercion of, 289 ; 
conciliatory measures in, 298 ; 
North's majority in, 299 ; earn 
paign of faction in, 302, 303 ; 
privileges of, 324 ; Pitt puri- 
fies, 328 ; Reform of, proposed, 
33°. 334 : duration of, 333 
PARLIAMENT, the Scottish, re- 
stored, 227 ; its character, 228 ; 
repeals Acts since 1639, 229 ; 
its moderation, 230 ; its ' p< 
cuting ' Acts, 235; in 1681, 
238, 239 ; loyal to James VII., 
240, 241 ; at the Revolution 
[see also Convention), 243, 244 ; 
holds enquiry about Glcncoc, 
246; settles the Kirk, 2.17 ; im- 
poses de jure oath, 248 ; its 
commercial grievances, 248 ; 
its political weakness, 248; its 
Darien Scheme, 249; the I.isi 
meeting of, 253, 254, 255 ; 
lament for the, 255 
Partition, Treaties of (11 

1700), io^, 105 
'Pastorals' (Pope's), 114 
Paterson, William, 92, 249 
' Patriot King,' the, 155 



Patronage, in Scottish Kirk, 

256, 278 
Pauperism, 9, 280 
Peacock, Thomas Love, 331 
Peden, Alexander, 234 
Peerage Bill, 162 and note 
Pelham, family of, 286 
— , Henry, 170, 177, 181, 182, 

183, 185, 186, 194, I95» 2 °3 
Pelham-Holles, Thomas, Duke 

of Newcastle, 155, 170, 177, 

181, 185, 186, 194, 195, 197, 

198, 200, 201, 202, 203, 209, 

219, 223, 285, 286, 287, 293, 

Penn, William, 65 
Pennsylvania, 188, 291, 297, 305 
Penrith, 273 
Pentland Firth, 274 
Pepys, Mrs., 9 
— , Samuel, 12, 29 
Percy, Algernon, 10th Earl of 

Northumberland, 25 
Perth, Mar at, 260, 261 ; Charles 

Edward at, 267 
Perth, Earl of, Duke of, see 

Peter III., Czar of Russia, 221, 

Peterborough, Earl 01, see Mor- 

Peters, Hugh, 18 
Peterhead, 261 
Petitions, declared lawful, 80 ; 

Statute of Tumultuous, 20 
Petre, Edward, Father, 59, 67, 


Pett, Peter, 29 

Petty, Sir William, 10 

— , William, 3rd Earl of Shel- 
burne, 1st Marquis of Lans- 
downe, 286, 290, 293, 296, 319, 
320, 321, 323, 324, 327 

Petworth, 120, 175 

Philadelphia, 196, 300, 305, 309 

Philip V., King of Spain, 105, 
118, 128, 130, 134, 135, 139, 
141, 142, 143, 144 ; covets 
France, 158, 159 ; resents 
Gibraltar, 159 ; 163, 165, 173, 

Philip, Duke of Orleans, Regent 
of France, 258 

Philippine Islands, 104, 222 

Philipsburg, 71 

Piccadilly, 112 

Piedmontese, Army of, 104 

'Pilgrim's Progress' (Bunyan's), 
15. 25 

Pinney, case of Rex v. Pinney, 
312 (note) 

Pitsligo, Lord, see Forbes 

Pitt, William, 1st Earl of Chat- 
ham, his views on India, 141 ; 
pupil of Carteret, 167, 168 ; 
appears in Parliament, 169 ; 
leads the Opposition, 174 ; 
Pelham intrigues with, 181 ; his 
later designs, 182 ; becomes 
Paymaster, 183, 186 ; can- 
didate for office, 194 ; his 
National Defence Bill, 198 ; 
character of, 198, 199 and 
note ; becomes Secretary of 
State, 200 ; carries Militia 
Bill, 201 and note ; dismissed, 
202 ; returns to office, 203 ; 
his first efforts as War Minister, 
204, 205 ; supports Prussia, 
206 ; conciliates Colonists, 206 ; 
plans the whole war, 207 ; 
reinforces Ferdinand, orders 
descents on French coast, 209, 
216 ; runs risk of invasion, 
210 ; wants to attack Mauri- 
tius, 217 ; wants to attack 
Spain, 218, 219, 220 ; sends 
expedition to Belleisle, 219 ; 
resigns, 220 ; his plans carried 
out, 222 ; Newcastle against, 
223 ; Treaty of Paris, 224 ; 
free from party ties, 286 ; 
in the sulks, 287 ; depen- 
dent on Temple, 288 ; seduced 
by Franklin, 291 ; denounces 
Peace of Paris, becomes 
Earl of Chatham, 293 ; his 
grandiose schemes (1766), 294 ; 
resigns office, 295 ; cries for 
war, 296 ; denounces North, 
296 ; his gift for choosing men, 
299 ; factious conduct of, 302 ; 
watching France, 304 ; death 
of, 308 ; could he have saved 
America ?, 311 ; his name 
strengthens his son, 325 ; had 
trained his son, 326 ; might 
have saved Europe, 326, 327 ; 
a tamer of kings, 326 and note ; 
in favour of Reform, 331 ; a 
' nominee,' 332 ; for a Triennial 
Bill, 333 ; his ' tomahawk,' 

— , William (Junior), 86 ; carries 



Excise scheme, 172 ; 'a Tory,' 
284 (note) ; becomes Chan- 
cellor of Exchequer, 320 ; 
George approaches, 323 ; be- 
comes Prime Minister, 324, 325 ; 
character of, 325, 326 ; his first 
Cabinet, 327 ; George's rela- 
tion to, 327, 328 ; his zeal for 
great causes, 328 ; his financial 
policy, 328 and note, 329, 330 ; 
his East India Bill, on Slave 
Trade, 330 ; on Parliamentary 
Reform, 331, 334, 335 ; blamed 
for not resigning, 335 ; at the 
Regency Crisis, 336, 337 ; foreign 
policy of, 337, 338 ; reduces ex- 
penditure on armaments, 337 

' Pretender,' King James III. 
called, 259 ; Prince Charles 
Edward called, 266 

Place Bill (1694, 1706), 87 

Plague (of 1665), 26, 27, 29 

Plassey, Battle of, 209 

' Plate Fleet,' the Spanish, 220 

Plot, Robert, 14 

Plymouth, 90, 210, 215, 216 

Pocock, Admiral Sir George, 217, 
221, 222 

Poland, 197 

Pollock, John, author of the 
' Popish Plot,' 42 

Poll Tax, 91 

Pondicherry, fall of, 217 

Poole, R. L., ' Historical Atlas,' 
143 (note) 

Pope, Alexander, 114, 153 

Pope, the, burned in effigy, 48 

' Popish Plot,' the, 41 sqq. 

' Porpoise,' the, 74 

' Porteous Riot,' 264, 279 

Portland, Earl of, Duke of, see 

Port Mahon, 200, 315 

portobello, i43, i74 

Porto Rico, 192 

Portugal, alliance with, 26 ; 
joins Alliance (1704), 127, 128 ; 
Methuen's Treaty with, 145 ; 
Spain attacks (1762), 221, 222, 

Post, within London, 114 

Post Office, 21 

Powis, Marquis of, see Herbert 

Prague, 204 

Prance, Miles, 43 

Pratt, Charles, 1st Earl Camden, 
294' 319 

Prayer Book, alterations in, 22 ; 
used in Scotland, 278 

Prelacy, a ' grievance ' to Scot- 
land, 243 

Prestonpans, Battle of, 196 
(note), 268, 274 

Pride, Thomas, 41 

Prideaux, Humphrey, 50 

' Prime Minister,' unpopularity 
of title, 26 ; origin of, Walpole 
the first real, 164 

Primrose, Archibald Philip, 5th 
Earl of Rosebery, 327 

' Principia ' (Newton's), 14 

Privateers, French, 100 

Privy Council, decay of the, 7, 
8, 11 ; Presbyterians in, 25 ; 
Committees of, 25 ; new scheme 
for, 45 ; of James II., 57, 59 ; 
in Act of Settlement, 109 

— (Scottish), 233, 234, 239, 241, 
242, 249 

Privy Seal, Office of the Lord, 293 

Prize Fighters, 113 and note 

Presbyterians, the London, 25 ; 
the English, 65, 71 ; under 
Toleration Act, 87 

— , Presbyterianism (in Scot- 
land), 231, 232, 240, 244, 247, 
250, 253, 279 

Preston, 261 

Protection, Scottish measures of, 

Protectorate, the, in Scotland, 

Protestants, French, immi- 
grants, 10 

' Protesters,' 228 

Prussia, joins Grand Alliance, 98 ; 
a coming Power, 159 ; Treaty 
of 1727 with, 165 ; in danger 
(1756), 194, 197, 204; takes 
offensive, 201 ; her interests 
coincide with English, 202 ; 
financial methods of, 206 (note) ; 
subsidized by England, 206 ; 
Chatham seeks alliance with, 
294 ; in the Armed Neutrality 
of 1780, 307 ; Triple Alliance 
with Holland and, 338 

Pudding Lane, London, 27 

Pulteney, Sir William, after- 
wards Earl of Bath, 164, 169, 
177. 183 

Purcell, Henry, 13 

Pym, John, 20 

Pyrenees, the, 99 



Quakers, 65, 150 ; in America, 

188, 197, 271 (note) 
Quebec, 121, 207, 208, 210, 211, 

212, 213, 214, 216, 217, 300 

— Act, 297 and note, 322, 337 
Queensberry, Dukes of, see 



Quiberon Bay, Battle of, 21 6' 

Radcliffe, James, 3rd Earl of 

Derwentwater, 260, 262 
Radicalism, birth of, 287, 289 ; 

nature of, 298 
Ramillies, Battle of, 121, 129, 256 
Ramsay, Colonel, 102 

— (or Ramezay), Le Chevalier de, 

' Rape of the Lock,' 114 
Rawdon, Lord, see Hastings 
Recruiting, difficulty of, 121 
' Red Indians,' 114, 188, 189, 190 

and note, 206, 208, 304 

Redistribution Bills, 334 (note) 

' Reform,' ' Reform Bills,' Pitt's 

proposal, 331 and note, 332, 333, 

334 and note ; Radical proposals 

for. 334 
Regency, proposals for a (1689), 

7 8 > 79 

— of Mary II., 82, 83, 97, 99 ; of 
a Committee of Peers, 97 

— , Council of (171 4), 146 
Regency Bill (1788), Crisis of 

the, 335, 336, 337 
Regicides, fate of the, 18, 19 
Reid, Thomas, 279 
Relief Bills, to Catholics and Dis- 
senters, 297; to Catholics, 312 
Ren wick, James, 240, 241 
' Resolutioners,' 228 
Revenue, of Charles II., 20 ; 

settlement of, under William 

III., 87, 88 
' Review,' the, 116 
Reynolds, Edward, Bishop of 

Norwich, 22 
Rhine, River, 34, 71, 99, 120, 123, 

124, 126, 178, 181, 209, 215 
Rhode Island, 310 
Richelieu, Armand Duplessis, 

Cardinal de, 189 
— , Louis Francois Armand du 

Plessis, Due de, 200, 205, 206 
Richmond, 166 

Richmond, Duke of, see Lennox 
Riot Act, 161, 312 and note 

Robartes, John Robartes, 1st 

Earl of, 25, 36 
— , Lad}' Essex, 12 
Robertson, Clan of, 267 
— , Principal William, 279 
Robethon, Jean, 160 
Robinson, John, Bishop of Bristol, 

Rob Roy, 256 
Rochambeau, Jean Baptiste de 

Vimeur, Comte de, 310 
Rochefort, 205, 207, 215, 216 
Rochester, 76 
Rochester, Earl of, see Hyde 
Rocoux, Battle of, 182 
Rockingham, Marquis of ; see 

Rodney, George Brydges, 1st 

Lord Rodney, 184, 221, 314, 

315, 316, 317 and note, 318 and 

note, 319 



Rollo, Andrew, 5th Lord Rollo, 

Rome, 262, 263, 264, 267 

Rooke, Admiral Sir George, 127 

Rossbach, 205 

Rosebery, Earl of, see Primrose 

Roscoff, 277 

Rose, Alexander, Bishop of Edin- 
burgh, 243 

Rothes, Earl of, see Leslie 

' Rottenburgh,' ' The Duke of,' 

Rouen, 31, 307 
Royalists, the Scottish, 229 
' Royal Scots,' the, 40 (note), 122 
Royal Society, the, 14 
Rullion Green, 236, 240 
Rumbold, Richard, 54 
Rupert, Prince, 14 and note; at 

sea, 29, 30 and note, 34; 81, 82, 

Ruskin, John, 187 
Russell, Edward, Earl of Orford, 

76, 84, 97, 98, 99 
— , family of, 285, 296 
— , John, 4th Duke of Bedford, 220 
— , William, Lord Russell, 37, 40, 

45, 53 

, 5th Earl, 1st Duke of Bed- 
ford, 67 

Russia, George I. wants to fight, 
162 ; subsidy Treaty with, 194, 
197, 198 ; against Frederick, 
197, 198, 204, 208 ; defeats 



Frederick at Kunersdorf, 215 ; 
defeated at Liegnitz, 217; joins 
Frederick, 221 ; leaves Freder- 
ick, 223 ; Chatham seeks alliance 
with, 294 ; in the Armed Neu- 
trality of 1780, 307 ; Pitt's dread 
of, 328, 338 and note 


Ruvigny, Henri de, Earl of Gal- 
way, 102, 128, 131 
Ruyter, Michael Adrianzoon de, 

29, 34 
Rycot, 64 

Rye House Plot, 19, 54, 239, 241 
Ryswick, Peace of , 92, 103,106,107 

Saale, River, 204, 205 

' Sacharissa,' 58 

Sacheverell, Dr. Henry, 113, 
137 and note, 138, 139 

Sackville, Lord George, after- 
wards Lord George Germaine 
(q.v.), 215, 217 

St. Andrews, 232 

St. Eustace, 317 and note, 319 

St. Germains (Saint-Germain), 76, 

St. James's, Palace of, 65, 70, 77 

St. James's Square, 112 

St. James's Street, 12; Park, 13 

St. John, Henry, afterwards Vis- 
count Bolingbroke, as Secretary 
at War, 119 ; playing false, 131 ; 
dismissed, 134 ; Secretary of 
State, 139 ; character of, 139, 
140 ; makes Peace of Utrecht, 
142 ; a Free Trader, 144 ; on 
Succession question, 147, 148 ; 
155, 161, 167, 168; death of, 
186 ; preparing for King James, 
258, 259 

St. Kitts, 192, 321 

St. Lawrence, River, 189, 191, 
210, 211, 212, 217 

St. Lucia, 192, 220, 317, 321 

St. Malo, 209, 277 

St. Martin, 317 

St. Omers (Saint-Omer), 41, 

St. Paul's Cathedral, 27, 127 

St. Petersburg, 338 (note) 

St. Pierre, Island of, 224 

Saint- Venant, 138 

St. Vincent, 192, 317, 321 

St. Winifred, 67 

Saints, Isles of the, battle off, 318 
and note 

' Saints Rest ' (Baxter's), 15 
Salisbury, 74, 76 
Salisbury, Earl of, see Cecil 
Salmon, Mrs., her waxworks, 165 
Saltire, the Scottish, 254 
Sambre, River, 101, 102, 130, 131, 

' Samson Agonistes,' 13 
Sancroft, William, Archbishop of 

Canterbury, 63, 68, 71, 81, 83, 


San Domingo, 192, 193, 330 (note) 

Sandwich, Earl of, see Montagu 

San Francisco, 192 

Sanquhar, 238 

Saratoga, 306 

Sardinia, 158 

Saunders, Admiral Sir Charles, 
207, 210, 212, 213, 216, 223 

Savannah, 309 

Savile, George, Marquis of Hali- 
fax, 5, 37 ; character of, 45 ; sup- 
ports Charles, 46, 47; defeats Ex- 
clusion Bill, 49 ; suggests arrest 
of Shaftesbury, 53 ; intercedes 
for Whigs, 55 ; in James II.'s 
Cabinet, 58 ; protesting against 
Catholics, 62 ; caution of, 70 ; 
advising Presbyterians, 71 ; at 
Hungerford, 75 ; in Convention, 
77 ; suggests compromise, 79 ; 
communicates with James, 86 ; 
death of, 96 ; grandfather of 
Chesterfield, 169 

' Savoy,' the, Conference at, 22 ; 
Jesuit school at, 65 

Savoy, Victor Amadeus, Duke of, 
98, 103, 104, 118 

— gets Sicily, 143; a coming 
Power, 159 

Saxe, Hermann Maurice, Comte 
de, Marshal, 181, 182, 185, 206, 

Saxony, 197, 201, 217 

Scarborough, 69 

Scheldt, River, 33, 132, 144 

Schellenberg, Battle of, 121, 125 

Schism Act (1714), 140 

Schomberg, Frederick Hermann, 
Duke of, 33, 71 

Schutz, Baron von, 146 

Scilly Isles, 31 

Scots-Dutch Regiments, 74, 242 

Scott, Sir Walter, 235, 280 

Scroggs, Sir William, Chief 
Justice, 15, 48 

Seaforth, Earl of, see Mackenzie 



Seafield, Earl of, see Ogilvy 
Seamen's Registration Act, 132 
' Sea Queen,' the, 187, 226 
Secessions, Seceders (from 

Kirk), 278, 279 
Secret Service Money, 174 

Sedgemoor, Battle of, 61 
Sedley, Sir Charles, 13 
Seignelay, J eanBaptiste, Marquis 

de Seignelay (son of Colbert), 

Selden, John, 45 
Seneff, 234 and note 
Senegal, 209, 210, 321 
Senne, River, 101 
Septennial Act, 17 16, 87 
' Serious Call to a Devout and 

Holy Life,' 150 
Settlement, Laws of, 9 ; see also 

Act of Settlement 
Severn, River,. 124 
Seymour, Charles, 6th Duke of 

Somerset, 63, 147 
— , Sir Edward, 62, 74 
Sharp, James, Archbishop of St. 

Andrews, 232, 234, 237, 238 
Sheerness, 67 
Shelburne, Earl of, see Petty 
Sheldon, Gilbert, Archbishop, 22, 

Sherborne, 74 

Sheridan, Sir Thomas, 265 

Sheriffmuir, Battle of, 261 

Ship-building, 114 

Shippen, William, 169 

' Shoddy,' ii 

Shovell, Sir Cloudesley, 98, 99, 

Shrewsbury, Duke of, see Talbot 
Sicilies, Kingdom of the Two, 

104, 105 
Sicily, 130, 143, 144, 159, 163, 


Sidney, Algernon, 36, 38, 40, 53, 

— , Henry, 1st Earl of Romney, 58, 

Silesia, 176, 177, 183, 194, 205, 

217, 223 
Silk Trade, 10 
'Sinking Fund,' Walpole's, 171; 

Pitt's, 329 
Skirving, Alexander, 268 
Slave Trade, ii, 328, 330 and 

Sluys, 33 

Smith, Adam, 280, 291, 292, 297, 

307 (note), 328 J 
Smugglers, 70 

'Smuggleton,' East and West, 155 
Smuggling in America, 289, 292 
— , Pitt's measures against, 328 
Smyrna, 100 

Society for Promoting Chris- 
tian Knowledge, 112 
Society for Propagation of 

Gospel, 112 
Society for Reformation of 

Manners, 112 
Soldier, legal position of a, 94 
Solebay, Battle of, 29, 242 
Solms, Count Heinrich, 101 
Somers, John, Lord Somers, 96, 

134. 137 

Somerset, County of, 60, 61 

Somerset, Duke of, see Seymour 

Somerset House, 43 

Sophia, Electress of Hanover, 65, 
73, 81 and note, 95, 108, 109; 
death of, 145 

Sophia Dorothea, Queen of 
George I., 151 

, Queen of Prussia, 152 

South, Dr. Robert, 14 

Southampton, Earl of, see Wri- 

South Sea Bubble, 163 

Southwold, 29, 34 

Sovereignty, problem of, 109 

Spain, designs of England and 
France against, 33 ; suggested 
alliance with, 38, 39 ; Peace at 
expense of, 41 ; Oates in, 41 ; 
League of Augsburg with, 60 ; 
joins Grand Alliance, 98 ; 
Succession question of, 104, 
105; campaigns in, 120, 127, 
128 ; French get hold of (1709), 
139; chances of French Union 
with, 141 ; her cessions at Peace 
of Utrecht, 142; her Monarchy 
reduced, 144 ; natural ally of 
France, 158 ; discontent of, 159 ; 
wants to restore James III., 
163 ; her fleet defeated, 163 ; 
allied with Austria, 165 ; allied 
with France, 172 ; exercises 
right of search, 172 ; tries to 
keep America shut, 173 ; her 
war with England (1738), 173, 
174 ; attacks Austria (1741), 
177; France helps, 178, 180; 
her fleets beaten, 184 ; her 

3 68 


American Colonies, 192 ; the old 
Colonial Power, 193 ; jealous 
of France, 193 ; Pitt's offers to, 
205 ; France hopes to use Fleet 
of, 210; begins to growl, 218; 
Pitt wishes to attack, 218, 219, 

221 ; her Treaty with France 
(1761), 220 ; declares war, 220 ; 
beaten at Havana and Manila 

222 ; makes Peace, 224 ; the 
Darien Scheme and, 250; James 
III. hopes for supplies from, 
260 ; James III. goes to, 263 ; 
claims Falkland Isles, 296 ; de- 
clares war on England (1779), 
307, 308, 313 ; her Admirals, 
314 ; blockades Gibraltar, 315, 
316 ; beaten by Rodney, 315 ; 
designs on Jamaica, 318 ; re- 
covers Minorca and Florida, 321; 
desires to keep mare clausum 
at Vancouver, 338 

Spanish America, 163, 172, 173, 
185, 192 ; see also America 
Central, America South 

'Spectator,' the, 115 

Spencer, Charles, 3rd Earl of 
Sunderland, 131, 139, 160, 162 
(note), 163, 164, 183 

— , Robert, 2nd Earl of Sunder- 
land, 45, 47 ; in James' Cabinet, 
58 ; on Ecclesiastical Commis- 
sion, 63 ; cursed by Anne, 68 ; 
persuades James, 72 ; dismissed, 
73 ; sneaks back, 97 

Spratt, Thomas, Bishop of 
Rochester, 63 

Stade, 204 

Stafford, Viscount, see Howard 

Stair, Earl of, see Dalrymple 

Stahremberg, Guidobald, Count 
von, 134 

Stamp Act (1712), 140 

(in America), 290, 291, 292, 

293. 294, 300 

— Duty (English), 297 

Stanhope, James, Viscount, 1st 
Earl Stanhope, 127, 134, 160, 
161, 163, 164, 165, 259 

— , Philip Dormer, 4th Earl of 
Chesterfield, 160, 165, 169 

— , William, 1st Earl of Harring- 
ton, 170 

Start Point, 73 

Statute of Distributions, 15 

Frauds, 15 

Tumultuous Petitions, 20 

Statutes against Heresy, repeal 
of, 15 

Steam Engine, 280 

Steele, Sir Richard, 96, 112, 115 

Steinkirk, Battle of, 94, 101, 102 

Stevens waert, 123 

Stewart, Clan of, 260, 266 

Stewart, Robert, Viscount Castle- 
reagh, 86 

Stillingfleet, Edward, 15 

Stirling, 243, 260, 267, 273, 274 

Stock Exchange, 113 

Stollhofen, 125, 126 

Strafford, Earl of, see Went- 

Strangers' Gallery, the, 333 

Stuart, John, Earl of Bute, 218, 
220, 222, 223, 225, 287 

Sudbury, 332 

Sunderland, Earls of, see Spencer 

— , Lady, 58, 70 

Sussex, 237 

Sweden, Treaty of 1668 with, 32 ; 
lends troops to William III., 74 ; 
hostile to Prussia, 197, 204 ; 
France hopes to use Fleet of, 
210; James III. hopes for sup- 
plies from, 260 263 

Swedes in British Colonies, 189 

Swift, Dr. Jonathan, 115, 116, 

139, 153 
Switzerland, 19, 54 
Synods, 230 


Talbot, Charles, 12th Earl, after- 
wards Duke of Shrewsbury, 67, 

70. 147. M» 
— , Richard, Earl of Tyrconnel, 59 
Tallard, Camille d'Hostun, 

Comte de, Marshal, 124, 125, 126 
Tangier, 9, 17, 26, 61 
' Tape and Sealing-Wax 

Office,' 155 
Tariffs, wars of, 90 
Taunton, 61 

Taylor, Frank, 179 (note) 
Temple, Earl, see Grenville 
— , Sir William, 45, 115 
Tesse, Mans Jean Baptiste Rene, 

Comte de, Marshal, 132 
Test Act, of 1673, 35, 62, 65 ; of 

1675, 39 
, the Scottish (of 1681), 

238, 239 
Tests, the Sacramental, 23, 25 
Texel, Island of, 29 
Thackeray, William Makepeace, 



' Esmond,' 147, 257 ; ' The 
Virginians,' 195 
Thames, River, highway of Lon- 
don, 12 ; reception of the 
Bishops on the, 69 ; Dart- 
mouth's fleet in, 72 ; James 
throws Great Seal into, 76 ; 
boatmen of the, 132 ; frozen, 

Theatre, immorality of the, 112, 

Threadneedle Street, ' Old 

Lady of,' 93 
Throne, vacancy of the, 79 
Thuringia, 204 
Thurlow, Edward, 1st Lord 

Thurlow, 319, 323, 324, 337 
Ticonderoga, 197, 208, 2ii, 305 
Tillotson, John, Archbishop of 

Canterbury, 83, 96 
Tobago, 192, 220, 224, 318, 321 
' Toby,' ' My Uncle,' 100, 102 
Toleration Act, 87 
Tollemache, Thomas, 102, 103 
Tonge, Israel, 41 
Tooke, John Home-, 332 
Topsham, 74 
Torbay, 73, 242, 316 

TORGAU, 217 

Tories, origin of Party of, 47 ; 
attitude of (1685-8), 56, 57, 58, 
60, 62, 68, 74 ; in William IIL's 
reign, 78, 79 ; denounce Army, 
94 ; denounce favoixrites, 95 ; 
denounce Whigs, 96 ; elections 
favour, 97, 106 ; partisan con- 
duct of, 115, 116; leaning to 
peace (1706), 130-42 ; cry for 
the Church, 131, 135, 138 ; up- 
hold Mrs. Hill, 135 ; and Dr. 
Sacheverell, 137, 138 ; in the 
Ministry, 139, 140 ; conclude 
Peace of Utrecht, 142 ; are 
free traders, 144 ; on the Suc- 
cession question, 145, 146 ; are 
beaten, 147, 148 ; sources of 
power, 147 ; exclusion of the 
(17 14), 154 ; began corruption, 
155; meaning of word in Scot- 
land, 231 ; reputation of the 
Scottish, 235 ; changed meaning 
of name of (George III.), 284 
and note 

Torture, use of, in Scotland, 239 
and note, 240 

Torrington, Earl of, see Herbert 

Toulon, French fleet at, 29, 85, 

VOL. Ill 

98, 120, 131, 132, 134, 180, 207, 
215, 216, 306 


Tourville, Anne Hilarion do 

Costentin, Comte de, 84, 98, 99 

Tower Hill, a model ship of 

war on, 313 (note) 
Tower, the, the Seven Bishops 
sent to, 69 ; Marlborough sent 
to, 96 ; Oxford sent to, 161 
Towneley, Francis, 271, 277 
Townshend, Charles, 2nd Vis- 
count Townshend, 160, 162, 
164, 294, 295 
— , George, 1st Marquis Towns- 
hend, 210 
Trafalgar, Battle of, 318 (note) 
Transports, 121 
Trarbach, 127 

Treason, trials for, 16 ; Law of, 

strained, 53, 54 ; Act of 1696 on, 

87 ; Law of English, extended 

to Scotland, 256, 262, 277 

Treasurer, Office of the Lord, 147 

Treasury, Office of the, 89 

Trelawney, Sir Jonathan, 

Bishop of Bristol, 68 
Trenton, 305 
Triennial Act (1641), 20 (1694), 

87 ; another suggested, 333 
Trier, 127, 128 
Trinidad, 192 
' Triple Alliance ' (of 1668), 

the, 32 
' Tubney,' 21 
Tullibardine, Marquis of, see 

Turkey, fighting Austria, 98 ; 
Eugene fighting, 119 ; George, 
Elector of Hanover, fighting 
against, 151 ; Russian hostility 
to, 338 
Turner, Francis, Bishop of Ely, 68 
Turnpikes, 8, 114 
Tuscany, 175 
Tyburn, 12, 113, 161 
Tynemouth, 121 
Tyrconnel, Earl of, see Talbot 
Tyre, 187 

Uist, South, Island of, 265 

Ulm, 124 

Uniformity, Act of (1662), 23 

Union, of England and Scotland, 
under Cromwell, 227 ; of the 
two Crowns, 248 ; scheme for 
Union in Charles II., 248 ; in 




William III., 251, 252 ; Com- 
missioners to Treat for, 252, 

253 ; the real agents in the, 253, 

254 ; the Union carried, 255 ; 
was it necessary ?, 255, 256 ; un- 
popular, 256 ; possibilities of 
a Federal, 255, 256 ; violation 
of its terms, 257 ; Charles 
Edward denounces, 270 

United States of America (see 
also America), declared Inde- 
pendent, 300 ; recognized by- 
France, 307 ; by Britain, 322 ; 
Pitt wishes for free trade with, 

Universities, the Scottish, 247, 

University College, Oxford, 64 

USHANT, 315 

Utrecht, Peace of, 142, 143, 144, 
145, 157, 158, 163, 191, 224 

Valencia, 127, 128 
Valley Forge, 309 
Vancouver, 338 
Vane, Sir Harry, 18, 19 
Vaudreuil, Louis Philippe de 

Rigaud, Marquis de, 213, 217, 
• 218 

Vauxhall, 13, 76 
Velasco, Don Diego, 222 
Vellinghausen, 221 
Vendome, Louis Joseph, Due de, 

132, 133, 134 
Venice, 187 
Venloo, 123 
Vergennes, Charles Gravier, 

Comte de, 306, 307, 308, 313, 

320, 322 
Verney, John, 19 

Vernon, Admiral Edward, 174, 

Versailles, 320, 322 ; Peace of, 

321, 322 

Victoria the Great, 52, 108, 

Vienna 117 
Vilaine, River, 216 
Villars, Claude Louis Hector, 

Due de, Marshal, 135, 136, 138, 

Villa Viciosa, 134 
Villeroy, Francois de Neufville, 

Due de, Marshal, 123, 124, 125, 

128, 129 
Villiers, George, 1st Duke of 

Buckingham, 31 

Villiers, George, 2nd Duke of 
Buckingham, 31, 33, 37 

Virginia, 188, 193, 195, 196, 
280, 292, 300, 309, 310 

Volunteers, the Scottish Whig 
(1745), 268 

Waal, River, 123 

Wade, George, Marshal, 181, 263, 
269, 271, 272, 273 

Wages, in seventeenth century, 8 

Wakeman, Sir George, 48 

Walcheren, 33 

' Walnut-Tree Walk,' 161 

Walpole, Horace, afterwards 4th 
Earl of Orford, 289, 301, 302 

— , Sir Robert, afterwards 1st 
Earl of Orford, as Secretary at 
War, 119; on George L, 151 ; 
in Office, 160 ; in Opposition 
(171 7), 162 ; denouncing Gov- 
ernment, 163 ; returns to Office, 
164 ; the sources of his power, 

164 ; his weak foreign policy, 

165 ; announces death of 
George L, 166 ; gets hold of 
George II., 167 ; the Opposition 
to, 169, 170; his courage, skill 
and finance, 170, 171 ; his 
defeat on Excise Bill, 172 ; 
Should he have gone to war 
( T 733) ?. J 7 2 ; tries to compro- 
mise with Spain, 173 ; fall and 
death of, 174 ; subsidizes Maria 
Theresa, 177; neglects Army, 
178; defends Carteret, 180; 
Pelham compared to, 181 ; Pitt's 
hostility to, 199 ; his neglect of 
Army, 263 ; purchasing a ma- 
jority, 285 ; would not tax 
Colonies, 290 ; on Excise and 
Sinking Fund, 329 

Walsh, Anthony, 265 
Walters, Lucy, 52 
Wandewash, Battle of, 217 
Wandsworth, 114 
Warburg, 217 
War Office, stupidity of, 196, 

290 (note) 
Washington, George, 195, 196, 300, 

303. 3°4> 305. 309, 3io» 314. 322 
Waterloo, Battle of, 129 
Watt, James, 280 
Webb, General John Richmond, 

Wellesley, Arthur, 1st Duke of 

Wellington, 64, 86 



Wellington, Duke of. See Welles- 

Welsh, John, 234 

Wemyss, David, Lord Elcho, 269 

— , James, 4th Earl of Wemyss, 269 

Wentworth, Thomas, 1st Earl of 
Strafford, 31, 45, 174, 232 

— , family of, 285 

— , Charles Watson, 2nd Marquis 
of Rockingham, 293, 294, 296, 
319, 320, 323 

Weser, River, 204 

Wesley, John, 290 

West Indies, buccaneers in, 100 ; 
Spanish, 104 ; 114; expeditions 
to (171 1), 121 ; French and 
English rivalry in, 157, 158 ; 
the French, 189, 192 ; the 
British, 192 ; the Spanish, 192 ; 
the French contrasted with 
British, 193 ; French seizure of 
Guadeloupe, 209 ; of Dominica, 
219 ; of Martinique, 220, 221 ; 
of Grenada, Tobago, St. Lucia 
and Marie Galante, 220 ; re- 
storation of some of them, 224 ; 
the Spanish, in danger, 220 ; 
England attacks, 221, 222 ; at 
Peace of Paris, 224 ; garrison 
in, 301 ; France will seize, 307, 
308 ; French driven to, 309, 
316 ; Hood in the, 311 ; our 
trade to, 313 ; our squadron in, 
314 ; France covets, 314 ; and 
grabs, 317, 318 ; Rodney in, 
317, 318 ; at the Peace of 1783, 
321 ; the French, 307, 317, 318, 
321 ; the Dutch, 317 and note ; 
jealousy of merchants of, 330 ; 
slave insurrections in, 330 (note) 

Westminster Abbey, 226 

— Assembly, 234 

— Confession, the, 228, 247 
— , Convention of, 197, 198 

— Hall, 138 

— School, 65 

Westphalia, 201, 202, 209, 215, 
217 ; Peace of, 144 

Westpoint, 310 

Wharton, Philip, 4th Lord Whar- 
ton, 37 

— , Thomas, 1st Marquis of 
Wharton, 66, 134 

' Wheel-Engines,' 106 

Whetstone, 90 

Whigs, origin of, 35, 36, 37 ; 
factiousness of, 41, 44, 45, 46 ; 

called Petitioners, 47 ; com- 
pared to a fish, 48 ; at Oxford 
Parliament, 49, 50, 51 ; pre- 
pared for Civil War, 52 ; Charles 
takes vengeance on, 53, 54 ; 
attitude of (1685-8), 56, 60, 61, 
65, 67, 70 ; triumph of, at 
Revolution, 78 ; not complete, 
79, 80; support the war, 115, 
116; dominate Ministry, 131, 
J 34» 135 ; refuse offers of 
Peace, 135, 137 ; impeach 
Sacheverell, 137, 138 ; dismissed 
from office, 139; repeal Tory 
Acts, 140 ; regain power, 147, 
148 ; source of their power, 
147 ; character and aims of the 
Party of, 153, 154, 155, 156, 
157 ; fighting Jacobites, 161 ; 
discontent of some, 164, 169 ; 
meaning of word in Scotland, 
231 ; the Scottish triumph of, 
244 ; the bitterness of, 245 ; com- 
mercial views of, 249 ; at date of 
Union, 253 ; playing with repeal 
of the Union, 257 ; the best of 
the Scottish, 259 ; Volunteers in 
Edinburgh, 268 ; Glasgow for 
the, 273 ; clans in Highlands, 
274, 275 (note) ; in George 
III.'s reign, family groups of, 
284, 285, 286 ; shifting meaning 
of name, 284 (note) ; American 
rebels use name of, 291, 300 ; 
split into ' Old ' and ' New,' 293 ; 
Ministry of Old, 293 ; Burke, 
champion of Old, 294 ; in 
opposition to North, 296 ; ex- 
pecting despotism, 301 ; pre- 
paring anarchy, 302, 303 ; 
adopt Rebels' colours, 303 ; 
neglect economic reform, 323 ; 
their strength in the rotten 
boroughs, 333 ; defeat Pitt's 
Reform Bill, 335 ; favour Prince 
of Wales, 336 

White, Thomas, Bishop of Peter- 
borough, 68 

Whitehall, 5, 30, 65, 73, 76, 
83. 234 

' White Rose,' the, 263 

' Whole Duty of Man,' The, 15 

WlGAN, 27I 

Wight, Isle of, battle off (1666), 30 
Wightman, General Joseph, 263 
Wigs, 149 
Wigton, 240 



Wilberforce, William, 330 
Wilkes, John, 287, 288 and note, 

289, 295, 296, 333 
Wilkins, Dr. John, 14 


William III., 21; as Prince of 
Orange : saves Holland, 34 ; 
marries Mary, 35, 39 ; candi- 
date for throne, 46 ; visits 
Charles, 52 ; Charles allied 
with, 55 ; his hatred of Louis 
XIV., 59 ; ' not a Whig,' 60 ; 
against Monmouth, 60 ; in 
touch with English parties, 66 ; 
his preparations, 67, 68 ; on 
birth of Prince James, 69, 70 ; 
invited to England, 70, 71 ; 
starts for England, 71, 72 ; his 
Declaration, 73 ; his voyage, 73 ; 
and landing, 74 ; advances on 
Exeter, 74 ; on Hungerford, 75 ; 
on London, 76 ; James's at- 
tempt to assassinate, 76 ; as 
Prince of Orange, invited to 
London, calls Assembly and 
Convention, 77 ; ' K. William 
or K. Lewis,' 78 ; as King, 79 ; 
necessary to Whigs, 80 ; writes 
to Sophia, 81 ; his descent, 81 
(note) ; leaves Mary Regent, 82, 
83, 97, 99 ; character of, 84, 
85 ; attitude of Englishmen to, 
86, 96, 97, 106, 108 ; revenue 
of, 88 ; feelings of, 94 ; accus- 
tomed to treachery, 96 ; par- 
dons Sunderland, 97 ; selects 
Ministers, 97 ; goes to Flanders, 
97 ; makes Grand Alliance, 98 ; 
in Ireland, 99 ; at Steinkirk, 
1 01 ; in London, 102 ; retakes 
Namur, 103 ; makes Peace, 
103 ; encourages Marlborough, 
103 (note) ; on Spanish Suc- 
cession, 105 ; makes Partition 
Treaties, 105 ; his Army re- 
duced, 106 ; gets the game 
in his hands, 107 ; death of, 
108 ; snubs Prince George 
of Denmark, III J muzzles 
Convocation, 112 ; his aims 
attained, 144 ; Carteret inherits 
policy of, 167 ; at Battle of 
Seneff, 234 and note ; asked to 
call Scottish Convention, 242 ; 

proclaimed at Edinburgh, ne- 
gotiates with Bishops, 243 ; 
neglects Scotland, 245 ; trusts 
Dalrymple, 245 ; his responsi- 
bility for Glencoe, 245, 246 ; 
trusts Carstairs, 246 ; de jure 
oath, 247 ; his Commissioners 
in Scottish Parliaments, 249 ; 
deceives Scotland on the Darien 
Scheme, 250; desires a Union, 

William, Duke of Cumberland, 
son of George II., 182, 184, 195, 
201, 203, 204, 205, 206, 222 ; (in 
1745-6), 271, 272, 273, 274, 275 

William, Duke of Gloucester, son 
of Queen Anne, 81, 95, 108, 109 

Willis, Dr. Thomas, 14 

Wilmington, Lord, see Compton 

Windham, William, 335 

Windsor, no, 124, 282, 283 . 

Windward Islands, see West 

Witchcraft, 279 

Wolfe, James, 199 (note), 207, 
208, 210, 211, 212, 213, 214 

Wood, Antony, 14, 50 

Woods and Forests Office, 19 

Woodstock, 127 

Woolsthorpe, 14 

Worcester, Battle of, 55, 229, 

234. 239 
Wren, Sir Christopher, 27, 127, 

Wright, Alderman William, 51 
Wriothesley, Thomas, 4th Earl 

of Southampton, 25 
Wycherley, William, 13 
Wyndham, Charles, 2nd Earl of 

Egremont, 222 
— , Sir William, 145, 168 

Yarmouth, 33 

Yorke, Philip, 1 st Earl of Hard- 
wicke, 164, 170, 177, 185, 204, 290 
Yorkshire, 75 

Yorktown, 311, 318 and note 
Ypres, 130 
Yssel, River, 34 

Zoological Gardens, the, 138 


Zulestein, William Henry, after- 
wards 1st Earl of Rochford, 66 

Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld. } London and Aylesbury. 







Fletcher, Charles Robert 

An introductory history 
of England